Abstract
The year 1918 witnessed not only the partial enfranchisement of British women but also the removal of the bar to women serving as members of parliament. Yet, while women were quick to exercise their voting rights, the entrance of women into Westminster was a much slower process.1 One woman was elected to parliament in December 1918, the Countess Markievicz; however, the Sinn Fein candidate refused to take her seat in the Commons. The first woman MP did not enter parliament until a year later, when Nancy Astor replaced her husband as member for Plymouth Sutton — more a triumph for dynasty than for feminism. Until the 1945 general election, only 38 women served as MPs, leading Brian Harrison to refer to them as ‘Women in a Men’s House.’2 As Adrian Bingham’s chapter in this volume underscores, initial assumptions about the momentum towards greater equality in the 1920s often failed to live up to expectations. Several arguments have been put forward to explain the failure of women to make greater inroads at Westminster, both in the more immediate aftermath of suffrage, and in more recent years. These have included resistance to the nomination of female candidates by male-dominated selection committees, or an unwillingness to allocate women winnable seats; the reluctance of voters (male and female) to vote for women candidates; and women’s comparative lack of interest in running for office.3
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Notes
For anecdotal reports on British turnout, see, e.g. ‘Keen Women: 80 percent expected to vote,’ Daily Mail, 2 Nov. 1922; Daily Express, 30 Oct. 1924. Harold Gosnell, Why Europe Votes (Chicago, 1930) cites an analysis of voter turnout in constituencies pre- and post-1928 to conclude that young women’s participation more or less equaled that of men. However, he also cites tickers’ sheets from 3 ‘typical’ polling districts in the 1924 election as evidence that ‘10 percent less of the women electors than of the men electors voted in 1924.’
Brian Harrison, ‘Women in a Men’s House the Women M.P.s, 1919–1945,’ Historical Journal, Vol. 29, No. 3 (Sept. 1986), pp. 623–54.
For an overview of these arguments see Joni Lovenduski and Vicky Randall, Contemporary Feminist Politics: Women and Power in Britain (Oxford, 1993).
For an early dismissal of such arguments, see Eleanor Rathbone, ‘Changes in Political Life,’ in Our Freedom: and Its Results, ed. Ray Strachey (London, 1936), 15–76, 29, 31. As noted in the introduction to this volume, Rathbone tended to attribute women’s poor performance in election campaigns to the biases of selection committees, which rarely allotted them winnable seats.
E.g. James Hinton, Women, Social Leadership and the Second World War: Continuities of Class (Oxford University Press, 2002); Leila Rupp, Worlds of Women: The Making of an International Women’s Movement (Princeton, 1997). See also, Pat Thane’s chapter in this volume.
Arthur Marwick, ‘Middle Opinion in the Thirties: Planning, Progress and Political “Agreement”,’ English Historical Review, Vol. 79 (Apr. 1964), 285–98, at 286. Most studies of women’s activism between the wars have focused on either civic organization or women’s internationalism, Andrew Thorpe’s recent Parties at War: Political Organization in Second World War Britain (Oxford University Press, 2009) is notable in focusing on women’s party political identities in this period.
The organization’s membership peaked during the 1945 election campaign. While no membership figures can be found for that year, by 1947 the organization still retained a membership of around 4,000. (See ‘Our London Correspondence,’ Manchester Guardian, 23 May 1947.)
Elizabeth Crawford, ed., The Women’s Suffrage Movement: A Reference Guide, 1866–1928 (London: Routledge, 2001), p. 56. Deborah Thom, ‘Greig, Teresa Mary Billington-Grieg (1876–1964),’ Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford University Press, 2004).
Edith Summerskill, A Woman’s World: Her Memoirs (London: Heineman, 1967), 65. On Summerskill’s feminism, see Penny Summerfield, “‘Our Amazonian Colleague”: Edith Summerskill’s problematic reputation,’ in R. Toye and J. Gottlieb, eds, Making Reputations: Power, Persuasion and the Individual in Modem British Politics (London: I.B. Tauris, 2005), pp. 135–50.
Hinton, Helen McCarthy, ‘Parties, Voluntary Associations, and Democratic Politics in Interwar Britain,’ Historical Journal, Vol. 50, No. 4(2007), 891–912. Pat Thane, ‘The Impact of Mass Democracy, 1918–1939,’ Chapter 3 in this volume.
The Women’s Library, Appendix 2–7 (2WFL). Available at: http://www.londonmet. ac.uk/library/e72435_3.pdf (First published online 22 Aug. 2007.)
The Women’s Library, 5BWW Appendix 5.1 Available at:www.londonmet.ac.uk/ library/n33630_3.pdf. (First published online 22 August 2007.)
The importance of socializing to the success of political organizations was highlighted by Martin Pugh in The Tories and the People: 1880–1935 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1985). More recently, Lawrence Black re-emphasized the link, again in the context of Conservative politics, in his ‘The lost world of young conservatism,’ The Historical Journal, Vol. 51, No. 4 (2008): 991–1024.
Teresa Billington-Grieg, Carol McPhee and Ann Fitzgerald, The non-violent militant: selected writings of Teresa Billington-Greig (London, 2001), 22; Martin Pugh, Women and the Women’s Movement in Britain, 1914–1999, 2nd edn (London: Macmillan, 2000), 51. Rathbone had started the first women’s citizenship association in Liverpool in 1913. See Susan Pedersen, Eleanor Rathbone and the politics of conscience (Yale, 2004) pp. 128.
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© 2013 Laura Beers
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Beers, L. (2013). ‘Women for Westminster,’ Feminism, and the Limits of Non-Partisan Associational Culture. In: Gottlieb, J.V., Toye, R. (eds) The Aftermath of Suffrage. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137333001_13
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137333001_13
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