Introduction

Black Boy’s Educational Experience

When we talk about mental health and black boys, we must understand that we are talking about a unique phenomenon due to the historical, cultural, and ecological context within the USA. As a society, we continue to be made aware of the pervasive state-sanctioned violence against black males. When we move that conversation to Black boys, it is already limited by the refusal to acknowledge the right to boyhood for black males. Dumas and Nelson (2016) point out the “hegemonic notion that their [black boys] lives as children only matter because of who others want them to be (or fear they may become) in adulthood” (p. 28). As such the attention given to Black boys in education is about control of their bodies in the form of discipline research and the identification of them as societal problems in the work of addictions and aggression. The work that supports the reality that black boys, like other boys, are whole, sensitive complex human beings that need care and support is limited in publications and often relegated to “urban” reviews. When developing strategies to help Black boys when they are suffering or having challenges in schools, we find disproportionate Black children have higher rates of suicide completion, while they are less likely to be diagnosed with mental health concerns (Coleman, 2019) Additionally, rates of special education referrals, police contact, and psychotropic medications, and school exclusions are particularly high for this population in comparison with same-aged White peers (Fitzgerald, 2009; Noguera, 2009; Skiba et al., 2011). This gap between rates of suspensions, expulsions, and police contact, between Black students and their white peers, even when comparing across similar offenses, is referred to as the disciple gap (Gregory et al., 2010).

The US public education system has often been conceptualized as the great equalizer for students from diverse backgrounds (Smith & Geroski, 2015). However, persistent gaps exist in the educational outcomes of Black students in comparison with their White and Asian peers (Musu-Gillette et al., 2017). For example, students of color are more likely to experience exclusionary discipline, such as out of school suspensions and expulsions than their peers (Losen et al., 2015); they are less likely to be in gifted and talented programs (Owens et al., 2018; Wright et al., 2017), they are more likely to be placed in special education (U.S. Department of Education, 2016) and are graduating at a rate lower and less access to experienced teachers than their peers and college access than their White male peers when compared to any other race and/or gender (de Brey et al., 2019; Office for Civil Rights, 2016; Rafa, 2019). Progress in closing these gaps has been inconsistent. Further, the rates of overrepresentation of Black students increase in middle school (Losen & Skiba, 2010). Studies that have highlighted Black educational realities in schools suggest that across varying levels of academic success, Black students experience various forms of anti-Black racism (Coles & Powell, 2020; Hines & Wilmot, 2018; Ortega-Williams & Harden, 2021; Wun, 2016). An examination of Black middle school boys participating in honor societies revealed that students experienced racial stereotyping and for some participants, these experiences provoked self-doubt and impacted their self-esteem (Bacon, 2015). A study examining the experiences of Black middle school boys participating in an intervention, after remediation, found that students felt unfairly singled out for punishment, unable to exhibit emotions without being interpreted as bad-mannered and that teachers often made them feel that every action they took was wrong (Marsh & Noguera, 2018). Regardless of Black middle school boys’ varying levels of success in navigating anti-Black educational spaces, this group held similar educational desires. Black middle school boys uniformly expressed a desire for fairness, respect, safety, encouragement, one-on-one help with learning when needed, and mutually caring relationships with teachers (Bacon, 2015; Marsh & Noguera, 2018). Given the apparent gaps in educational outcomes for Black middle school males, the focus of this study was middle school males in urban settings.

Student–Teacher Relationships

The educational process is more than a one-dimensional conveying of knowledge but instead a social interaction that bridges students’ backgrounds with new information. Relationships are critical to children’s development and teachers’ relationships with their students are no exception (Pianta & Stuhlman, 2004). Early theorists highlighted that learning does not simply occur as a transference of knowledge but through the interaction with an educator (Vygotsky, 1978). Understanding these relationships are critical in our pursuit of building equitable educational practices for Black boys. There are many different ways to conceptualize teacher–student relationships which often makes comparing across studies challenging. The type of informants can vary but include teacher reports, student reports, and classroom-based observations. Informants also are asked to speak on a variety of relationship indicators including closeness/warmth, conflict/anger, communication, level of involvement, and dependency (Pianta et al, 2003).

Research indicates that there are nuances to the impact of student–teacher relationships on student outcomes. A meta-analysis (Roorda et al., 2011) was conducted to explore the impact of teacher–student relationships across the developmental span. Findings indicated that stronger relationship effects were found when students were in higher grades, boys reported significantly more engagement and girls demonstrated significantly more achievement when positive teacher relationships occurred, and the impact of negative student–teacher relationships was more salient for students in younger grades than those in secondary school (Roorda et al., 2011).

Cornelius-White (2007) also conducted a meta-analysis exploring the effectiveness of a person-centered approach to education which stressed the importance of individualizing learner needs and the quality of student–teacher relationships. Findings indicated that a medium significant association exists between positive teacher–student relationships and student outcomes. Furthermore, the level of closeness within the teacher–student relationship has been found to be positively correlated with academic achievement, while conflictual relationships with teachers are correlated with increased conduct problems and hyperactive behaviors (Longobardi et al., 2016).

Beyond academic outcomes, Miller-Lewis and colleagues (2014) found that students with a consistent and caring teacher have fewer mental health problems than their peers whose relationships with their teachers are not as positive. In cases of childhood trauma exposure, it has been shown that the presence of one caring adult figure can often diminish the impact of negative outcomes (Nicholson et al., 2018). Teachers can often be that mitigating relationship for these students. In a study looking at adolescents with traumatic life experiences, positive teacher–student relationships lessened youth’s use of non-prescribed medication as a coping strategy (Forster et al., 2017).

Student Perspectives on Student–Teacher Relationships

A longitudinal study on upper elementary students conducted by Spilt et al. (2012) noted that students’ perceptions of conflictual relationships with their teachers had a negative impact on their achievement and engagement. However, it is important to note that these conflictual relationships made more of an impact on student outcomes than the reciprocal positive influence of warm relationships (Spilt et al., 2012). Research on middle school student’s perceptions of the teacher-student relationship found that over the course of a year, these relationships can shift and change. As students’ relationships with teachers became more positive, there was an increase in student outcomes such as academic competence and engagement (Gehlbach et al., 2012).

Similarly, when teachers underestimate students, the students display lower motivation. To students who have been underestimated by their teachers, the teacher becomes perceived as “less accessible” (Urhahne, 2015). Teachers’ underestimation of students is not merely a problem of perception; there is a change in teacher behavior. Teachers become less available for the students they have underestimated—most notably in terms of the emotional support they provide to the student (Babad, 1993; Harris & Rosenthal, 1985; Urhahne, 2015).

Student–Teacher Relationships for Students of Color

Racial differences in student perspectives of teacher–student relationships provide a more nuanced exploration of how these relationships impact student outcomes. In a 4 year study with predominantly Black and Latino students, Walker (2012) found that it was vital to students that the teachers respected them and showed concern. Students reported that having a “good teacher” increased their academic success. Students’ definition of a good teacher included teachers who develop strong interpersonal relationships with them, have high expectations for their learning, have a strong command of their classrooms, and have strong knowledge and enthusiasm for their subject matter (Walker, 2012, p. 68).

Gender also plays a role in the student–teacher relationship. The research indicates that girls tend to identify warm relationships with their teachers (Spilt et al., 2012). Koomen and Jellesma’s (2015) study shows that there is a differential in the quality of relationships boys and girls have with their teachers. Specifically, boys report less favorable relationships with their teachers. The boys assert students, not just teachers, are aware of these differences in relationship quality. This matches Reichert and Hawley’s (2010) finding that “Boys experience their teachers before they experience the lessons they teach” (p. 11). Compared to Black girls, Black boys with behavioral problems tend to have the lowest connection with teachers (Murray & Zvoch, 2010) which may be a significant contributor to educational gaps that have persisted over time.

It is important to realize that teacher–student relationships play a role in the socialization of students of color. Research on teachers has elucidated a series of themes about teachers who are successful in working alongside students of color. Student–teacher relationships are housed within the “culture of power” (Delpit, 2006, p. 24). Delpit found that there is an unrecognized wielding of classed and racialized power that plays out in the everyday interactions between students and teachers. The power differentials create a disconnect between student–teacher communication, often leaning toward White middle-class cultural norms.

One way to address these power differentials is through increasing teachers’ culturally relevant interactions with students. In her seminal text, Dreamkeepers: Successful Teachers of African American Children (2009), Ladson-Billings defines culturally relevant teaching as “a pedagogy that empowers students intellectually, socially, emotionally, and politically by using cultural referents to impart knowledge, skills, and attitudes (Ladson-Billings, 2009, p. 20).” In this work, Ladson-Billings identifies common characteristics of culturally relevant teachers of Black students. Through interviews and observations, several themes about student–teacher relationships emerged: student–teacher relationships are “fluid and equitable” (Ladson-Billings, 2009, p. 28); these teachers cultivate relationships beyond the classroom; they are careful to demonstrate a “connectedness” with each student; finally, they have the belief that all students can succeed (Ladson-Billings, 2009). Culturally relevant teachers want students to value and perpetuate their unique cultures and help students put their school experiences in a socio-historical context. Teachers with strong relationships with their Black students demonstrate a valuing of students’ cultures and communities (Delpit, 2006; Ladson-Billings, 2009).

Given the persistent disparities in educational outcomes for Black males and the paucity of research that centers their voices, an exploration of the teacher–student relationship that centers on the voices of Black males is needed to understand how to best develop a school culture that promotes the well-being of all students. Based on the literature, the researchers asked the following questions:

  1. 1.

    What are Black male students’ understandings of the student–teacher relationships?

  2. 2.

    How does Black male students’ perspective of the student–teacher relationship affect their view of school and learning?

Methods

This study utilized qualitative methods to capture the contextual nuances of participant experiences. We used grounded theory to examine the Black male’s, public middle school experience highlighting student–teacher relationships. Participant viewpoints or the emic perspective, regardless of age, provide perspective, authenticity, and trustworthiness which can be lost through decontextualized quantitative research methods (Guba & Lincoln, 1994). By including the voices of students, we center the work we do as scientists and practitioners (e.g., theory development, research, interventions), around the participant. Consent was obtained through written consent by the parents and written assent from the students.

Student Voice Methodology

Student voice methodologies have been utilized toward the creation of radically democratic educational spaces marked by intergenerational collaboration and relationship building (Fieldings, 2012). Student-voice has been defined as “how we facilitate, listen to, act on and influence policy and practices in classrooms and schools through the experiences, views, and accounts of young people… (Bourke et al., 2018, p. 2)”. Many student voice researchers center strong student–teacher relationships as fundamental to the creation of meaningful democratic learning experiences for students (Bourke et al., 2018; Fielding, 2012; Ginwright, 2015). These relationships are especially fundamental for Black male students, not only because the student–teacher relationships are foundational to Black cultural modes of learning (Ladson-Billings, 2009), but because these relationships “provide the conditions in which [educational] rights become real” (Fielding, 2015).

This research situates students as active respondents within Fielding’s (2012) typology of how adults listen and learn with students. Student voice methodologies, which elicit student feedback and student participation in meaningful decision-making, over time foster respectful, appreciative, and intergenerational cooperation between students and teachers (Fielding, 2010). There is a strong need for more equitable representation within student voice work, particularly the voices and views of disengaged, marginalized, and culturally diverse students (Bourke et al., 2018).

Context and Participants

The data from this study were collected from two metropolitan midwest school districts, one district is within a large urban center and the other district is within a medium-sized city. The majority, 70%, of the boys in this study attended the school district located in the medium-sized city, the other 30% attended the school district located in the large urban center. Black residents of this medium-sized city experienced high rates of racial disparities across many quality-of-life indicators. In 2011, this county’s Black third graders were 4.5 times more unlikely to meet state reading proficiency standards than their White third-grade classmates (Race to Equity Project Team, 2013). In this county, racial disparities were also pronounced in the areas of school disciplinary actions and contact with the criminal justice system. During the 2010/2011 academic year, Black students in this county experienced suspension at rates ten times higher than their White counterparts, with 21% of Black students experiencing suspension in comparison with 2% of the White student population. Juvenile arrests in this county during 2010 were 469 per 1000 students for Black youth between ages 10–17, and 77 per 1000 for White students ages 10–17 (2013). In this county, Black students experienced arrests at rates that were six times higher than those for their White counterparts, with almost half of the Black juveniles of this county experiencing arrest in comparison with 8% of the White juvenile population (2013).

The participants included 12 Black males in a public middle school in an urban district and students ranged in age from 10 to 14. The boys in the study were self-identified Black males in middle school. Participants indicating special education services included five of the 12 participants, with one of these students specifying that his services were related to gifted and talented programming. The researcher met with parents and students during an information session to outline the role of student participants and to gain consent.

Sampling

This study used both purposeful and snowball sampling (MacNealy, 1999; Weiss, 1994). By selecting community sites in primarily Black communities in midwestern towns, the first author was able to identify organizations with young Black males who met the criteria for the study. Students who met the criteria of self-identifying Black boys who attend a public middle school were recruited through community centers with the assistance of staff. Community centers were selected as primary interview and data collection sites to serve as neutral spaces. In these spaces, the researcher was able to reduce the likelihood of intrusion from school staff that could influence students’ responses.

Protocol

The interview protocol was semi-structured and open-ended. Interviews lasted approximately 45 min and were conducted one-on-one with the first author, an African American female researcher. Interviews focused on students’ experiences in public school settings related to rules, routines, and expectations. Sample questions included: “Tell me about your teachers.” and “How do you know when you are doing a good job in school?”. Students were also asked about their experiences related to school discipline which will be addressed in a separate paper. Students reflected on their experiences around classroom behavior, the observed treatment of their peers, the interventions or strategies implemented, and their willingness to engage in those activities.

Data Analysis

In this study, the data analyzed were interviews and extant literature. An integral tenet of grounded theory methodology is that the development of the theory is not led by hypothesis but by letting themes or phenomena emerge from the data (Strauss & Corbin, 1994). Through line-by-line coding, memoing, and thematic grouping, we developed theoretical understandings of the students’ experience in teaching relationships and the impact of those experiences on educational outcomes (Charmaz, 2014). Codes were organized into three main themes: qualities of student–teacher relationships, racism as a barrier to the relationship, and teachers’ impact on student identity. To ensure credibility, the three analysts coded and cross-coded articles, with coder 1, the primary researcher.

Research Positionality

The first author and the primary data collector is an African American female and school psychologist. Her experience as a K-12 special education teacher and her connection as a school-based mental health provider have led her to explore the factors that negatively impact the educational and socio-emotional outcomes for students of color. She studies this work in her current role in academia and in her community-based research practice.

The second author and analyst is a South Asian clinical psychologist. As an immigrant to the USA, this author has made it a core component of her research and clinical practice to explore the use of cultural and linguistic adaptations to current mental health, behavioral and academic practices. Her research and clinical practice focus on both community mental health and school-based services for underserved children and families.

The third author and analyst is an African American female researcher whose work focuses on community-based supplemental educational spaces that serve African American adolescents. She attended K-12 schools within the midwestern town in which data collection took place and is heavily influenced by her own experiences of racism within this school district. Within her work, she utilizes a Black Critical theorist lens.

Lastly, there was a fourth analyst, a White male classroom teacher, and researcher whose work is in restorative justice practices. His work is influenced by his own school experience with expulsion. He attended school in a small Midwestern city that experienced high levels of poverty following the most recent economic downturn, which increased his desire for higher education access for all.

Findings

Students’ perceptions of the student–teacher relationship play an important role in their identification of positive school culture. Specifically, the boys in this study discuss (a) qualities of student teacher relationships, (b) racial bias as a barrier to the e relationship, (c) teachers’ impact on student identity.

Qualities of Student–Teacher Relationships

The boys in the study discussed factors that were salient to the student–teacher relationship and were important for positive academic outcomes and their success navigating the school. Particularly, the capacity of teachers to recognize student individuality, to provide academic support versus punishment, and to facilitate warm and authentic connections with students were highlighted.

Recognition of Individuality

The recognition of individuality was salient across interviews with several boys. One of the boys mentioned having the nickname “Dill Pickle” bestowed on him by a teacher, which, in his words, he “respects that nickname for some reason.” Another student highlighted one of his favorite teachers for bringing in treats for students’ birthdays. Those seemingly small moments of teachers caring and recognizing the individual student, as opposed to viewing the students as a group, contributed to feelings of positivity toward the teacher by the student.

Similarly, engaging the student’s home environment—even unknowingly—can act as a catalyst for positive relationship building between the student and teacher. One student discussed the connection that was fostered with his teacher through the sharing of a mutual experience:

Yeah, and Ms. [BLANK], she’s an 8th-grade teacher. I helped her out with plants ‘cause my mom loves plants, and she always taught me how to care for plants. Like, the plants were dying, and they lived – thank you! So, I helped her out with them, and then we got to know each other.

The student was able to see a connection with his own lived experience and home life within his school community, which acted as a catalyst for relationship building with a teacher. In this instance, recognition of student individuality is directly tied to the teacher’s recognition of her own individuality.

Conversely, the boys provided instances when they were mixed up with other peers by teachers, particularly in behavior complaints. Students felt that the teachers would hear a noise or notice an issue and automatically attribute it to them when they were not involved. These cases appeared across subjects, often without any hypothesis from the students about why they were isolated.

It would be, like, not every, not every person is, like, the same, especially students of color. Like, just because he did it, doesn’t mean he’s gonna do it also. It’s just, like, removing possible stereotypes from co-workers' minds, and it would help ‘cause probably teachers would watch students more fairly. Watch everybody instead of just-especially the people, especially, like the assistant principal ‘cause he talks to those 2 students like every single day ‘cause they’re making bad decisions.

Students felt that they were either mistaken for or grouped together with other peers who were in their vicinity or shared one of two physical characteristics with them. These students felt that these instances are frustrating and made them less likely to want to engage with that teacher. Another student offered this solution, “Investigate the situation before you act. Like, like, if–let’s say somebody threw a pen and you say it was me. If you investigated the problem and it was somebody else and then it’s like oh okay, he did it.” This quote highlights a desire for the benefit of the doubt as well as the recognition of students as separate individuals.

Academic Support

Lack of academic support was a common source of frustration for students. Students described this as occurring in a number of ways. Students said teachers sometimes assigned a large amount of homework toward the end of the academic period, giving them little time to begin working on their homework in class and receive help if they need it. Sometimes students felt that teachers were unwilling to explain the homework and preferred to just give them the answer. One student described his frustration with what he saw as his teacher’s illogical approach to teaching,

Explain something for five minutes. And if someone says they don't get it (the teachers) don't go back. Or like, tell the student - if the student asks for help - they just tell them the answer off the bat and don't teach them how to do it. Then on the next problem, it's a little different, like different numbers, but the same problem, then they are just like I need some more help.

Throughout several interviews, the boys voiced frustrations when not receiving academic support or help from teachers, despite asking for it. In one instance, a boy was sent out of class:

I can’t get the work. I kept asking her for help, and she was like, “We went over this,” but we really didn't … I just, like, put my head down ‘cause I was frustrated. So, I put my head down, and she was like, ‘Get out my class.’

The teacher felt that the material had been covered sufficiently and the boy did not share that feeling. As a result, the boy shut down and was then sent out of class. This is an instance of a lack of academic support leading directly to receiving punitive discipline, which could have negatively affected a student–teacher relationship.

Conversely, another boy highlighted a teacher who responded to disruptions in the classroom differently.

She's just like the same to everyone. Like, she can go over — like someone walks, she can just call support and get them, and, yeah. She doesn't have to chase after them, just continue with the kids that are doing their work.

This boy was able to see this teacher prioritizing teaching and learning over discipline. It is possible for learning environments to be sidetracked during moments of conflict between a boy and teacher, but the teacher is choosing to be helpful both toward the boy that had support called, as well as the students in the classroom who are working and could use her help.

Warm Relationships

Teachers who offered relationships and facilitated a warm, inviting atmosphere impacted the boys’ perspectives of the school as a whole. One boy discussed the reasons he had a positive relationship with his classroom teacher.

She helps everyone! Bad kids, good kids. Sometimes she doesn't like that she has to warn them a lot. She makes them take a break, but she helps everyone. She is good to everyone. She does a lot for everyone.

The boys described different ways that teachers were helpful toward students. One boy described the difference between “nice” teachers and “bogus” teachers. “Nice” teachers were the ones who listened to students and provided unconditional support. When asked what that looked like in practice, one boy replied, “They will say, ‘We know you can do this.’ They will try to motivate us.” “Bogus” teachers were described as not only unkind but also those who did not address classroom issues. When asked what advice they would give teachers, the students wanted teachers to create a consistent classroom structure, but to do so while still understanding that they were children.

Overall, the boys indicated that they were seeking teachers that facilitated a warm, structured, learning environment. Teachers who actively engage with students and build authentic relationships with them were seen as positively impacting the boys’ school experience.

Undecided Relationships

There were many cases in our interviews where students did not characterize their relationships with teachers as good or bad; they just did not have much to say at all about these relationships. In these cases, students seemed to not have much of an interpersonal relationship with their teachers and reflected that they viewed their teachers as not making an attempt to make a personal connection. When discussing relationships with teachers, a student commented, “I don't really talk to them because they don't talk to me. So if they don't talk to me, I don't talk to them.”

Another theme that emerged was that the responsibility for repairing or recovering from a conflicted student–teacher relationship was often left up to students. Students described attempting to talk with their teachers about conflicts arising in their relationship and teachers being unwilling to have those conversations. According to a student, after a conflict with a classroom teacher, “I tried talking to him, but he just doesn’t care. He doesn’t seem to care.”

Often in these situations, students perform the emotional labor of “get(ting) over it” themselves as they recognize that they need to continue their relationship with this adult to navigate the school system. Another student shared, “Yeah, we are on speaking terms—we just—we didn’t really fix it. We didn’t really talk about it. I just got over it. I just got over it. It ain’t really nothing. She is still my teacher.” These moments where conflicts go unresolved could point to disconnects in student–teacher relationships that lead to a learned ambivalence on behalf of the participants in the conflict.

Racial Bias as a Barrier to Relationship

The students were aware of race and racism; it was common for students in this study to understand negative teacher interactions as connected to racial bias.

It’s, like, when one of the White kids, once they got a thing wrong, he’s like, ‘Oh, that’s okay. Just try harder next time.’ Then, once he went to me and he saw I got it wrong, he was like, ‘I’m gonna give you a referral. You never do your work,’ and I’m like, ‘I do my work.’ Then he was like, ‘You got it wrong; you’re getting a zero for this assignment.’ And I’m like, ‘Because I got one wrong? That’s like 99%.’ Then he was like, ‘Well, we don’t accept 99%.’ I’m like, ‘If you don’t accept 99% then how come that kid over there got one wrong and you said, “Okay, it’s fine.”’.

One student noted the racial bias that school administrators had toward the small population of Black males in his school.

The assistant principal is kind of, like, he just doesn’t like students of color. He just doesn’t like them. He ends up talking with them more and enforcing stricter rules and he kind of looks for stuff like that to reinforce stuff in his mind how bad they are. Like, almost, like – it was, like, a playground, he would watch those kids, ‘cause I know they’re gonna do something wrong like they always do.’

Students are aware that adults have preconceived notions about them based on race. One common form of punishment was the calling out of students for discipline or reprimand. Students easily noticed how these punishments were disproportionately administered when the students observed White students simultaneously performing the same behavior but receiving no attention from teachers.

So, one time, my friends - they were just talking to each other - So, my teacher yelled at them. Then she turned and looked dead at two kids, dead at not just two, but a group of kids talking and just ignored them. So, they (his friends) were talking, and she told them to stop talking, and they stopped, and then she looks at the group of kids, they were the same color (as her), and she just ignored them.

In these incidents, students were keenly aware of the role that racial bias plays in discipline practices. They were careful to observe the teacher’s inequitable behavior. These snap judgments on behalf of adults made students feel judged which in turn served as a hindrance to the development of strong student–teacher relationships.

Teachers Impact on Student Identity

Students that identified with at least one positive teacher within their building were able to describe changes they hope for in a more positive light. These students would describe additions to the school environment they saw as critical to their future success. In contrast, students who struggled to identify a teacher with whom they had a positive relationship in their building tended to frame school changes in terms of what is wrong about their school and needs to be changed.

One way students’ identity is created occurs through notions of what it means to be a good or a bad student. These identities can be placed upon students and have very real repercussions.

I don’t wanna be known as that person that’s always in detention ‘cause especially if there’s something you’re involved in, but you didn’t really do anything, you don’t get the benefit of the doubt. Like, well I know such and such is a good student, and they would never do anything like that, or choosing who to believe. Like, I know such and such is a good student, so I’ll believe him over Jimmy.

As the participant stated, there are long-term consequences for students who are viewed as “bad.” These identities of the good and bad students are co-created with teachers which then impact future student–teacher interactions. One student offered this example:

So, pretty much today, one kid did something in class, but [the teacher] took it over to another kid and said, ‘I remember when you did that. He was so disrespectful,’ and I'm like that had nothing to do with him. He already got his punishment and now, like, everybody is looking at him. It's like it's not right because you can't just point them out if they didn't do anything.

In this instance, a student who was previously identified as disrespectful was called back into the limelight during an incident that was not related to him. From the participant’s perspective, this was an example of ways in which boys or students who are seen as bad are constantly reminded of their past actions.

As Black males enter institutions of schooling, greater societal messages play an important role in how students view themselves. Further, teachers can play an active role in combating these stereotypes or passively accepting societal norms. These internalized societal messages were made explicit when student participants described the kids who caused trouble in the school.

Well, I would say that they should–usually the bad kids–they should all be in one class. Like, one class with a teacher who can actually handle that. And then it’s, like, in that class, if you’re acting bad, you just get a suspension. And it’s, like, once you get a certain amount of suspensions, it’s just like, why am I even doing this? And then once you stop getting suspensions, you can go back to regular class.

In this situation, the participant took up the societal message that separating students who cause “trouble” was the most beneficial way to address behavioral issues.

Other students noted race-based stereotypes impacted their identity as Black male students. Students’ perspectives on other Black males, speak to the insidious way that essentialist ideology becomes a form of internalized oppression.

It annoys me because, like, there’s only a few of us [Black males]. They’re [Black male students] just making it worse for all of us...Yeah, all the African American males, and there’s four in my grade, and there’s like two of them that act up in class, goof off all the time, and, like, two others who generally stay quiet in class. Me and another student.

This student blames other Black male students for the inequitable ways in which he is treated in the school. Instead of holding the system accountable for their essentialist views, the student instead blames individual students for “making it worse for all of us”.

Some teachers were also able to facilitate positive identity development through interactions with their students. In specific, students noted that recognition of academic success appeared to increase their feelings of self-worth and belonging.

I made the first quarter honor roll, and I was, like, the only African American male to, like, make it in 7th grade at least. I felt good. I was, like, I’m just like everyone else, academics-wise. I’m not worse.

The student expresses a positive feeling of making the honor roll, that on the one hand makes him fit in with his peers, academically. However, on the other hand, there is an acknowledgment of the uniqueness of this feat given his identity as a Black male.

Teachers’ recognizing and encouraging students’ success also plays a big role in students’ self-esteem. One student explained how he felt respected in school after a teacher recognized that he won the spelling bee.

Ms. S was too proud of me (smiling)... She was just so happy. So that’s when I was downstairs with my fake gold medal. Then she told me that when I’m done, come upstairs. Then, when I went upstairs everybody in my class was cheering for me. I almost cried… I felt all special ‘til the next day. Then I actually wore the medal back to school. Then the kids were like “dang! You going to be wearing that all year?” I was like “yep” I was proud of myself.

The teacher’s recognition of the student encouraged him to feel good about his identity as a student. Even the memory of this incident brought about a positive effect (a smile) on the student during the interview.

Discussion

In this study, we examined middle school, Black male students’ perceptions of student–teacher relationships and how they impact students’ perceptions of their educational and mental health outcomes. Analysis of qualitative focus groups and interviews revealed three broad themes: (a) qualities of student–teacher relationships, (b) racial bias as a barrier to the relationship, and (c) teachers’ impact on student identity. We explore the ways these findings elucidate Black boys’ experiences in educational settings.

Boys in our study noted the importance that positive relationships with educators had on their schooling experience. They valued teachers that created and maintained a warm yet structured, learning environment. When these elements were in place, the student–teacher relationship was viewed positively, however, when these factors were not present, the students had a negative view of staff and school more generally. While this finding has been documented in the research (Cornelius-White, 2007; Delpit, 2006; Ladson-Billings, 2009), the boys in our study specifically noted the importance of teachers who build authentic relationships with them and who actively engaged in the learning process with students. For example, when teachers took the time and energy to acknowledge an individual student’s unique identity, boys were more likely to report positive feelings toward that educator. These findings mirror what Jennings and Greenberg (2009) discuss as the connection between teachers’ social-emotional competence and their relationship with their students. Teachers who are self-aware and reflective tend to increase their ability to regulate their emotions. They are then able to model emotional regulation and authentic relationships with their students (Jennings & Greenberg, 2009). Students in their sample also spoke about the importance of relational closeness with their teachers and the importance of that connection on engagement in learning. The students noted that they valued when teachers saw them and understood them for who they really were (Cooper & Miness, 2014). Authentic teacher relationships are shown to be linked to better mental health outcomes of students (Miller-Lewis et al., 2014).

Boys in our study connected teachers’ engagement and willingness to provide academic support as another critical factor that increased positive teacher–student relationships. The boys also spoke to the levels of frustration they felt when teachers did not provide sufficient academic support. Muller (2001) found that both teachers and students spoke to the importance of investment in the student–teacher relationship. At-risk students who believed that their teacher was invested in their learning tended to report greater connection with their teachers and demonstrated higher academic growth and lower rates of dropout (Muller, 2001). Boys in our study also discussed that disengaged teachers fostered learning environments in which students would shut down. Teachers would then respond with punitive discipline. These findings are connected to the current research which indicates that Black youth who are disengaged with the school are more likely to have discipline referrals. Specifically for Black boys, this research indicates a pattern of poor learning environments that leads to higher disciplinary action and eventual school dropout (Toldson et al., 2015).

When teachers are unable to initiate strong relationships, it is particularly problematic for Black students whose culturally based understandings of good student–teacher relationships are those which demonstrate care for students in a holistic manner showing concern for students’ academic, but also emotional, physical, and spiritual well-being (Ladson-Billings, 2009). Good student–teacher relationships for Black students are often those which span across the school, home, and community spaces and are reflective of family-like relationships in their care and investment in student success and well-being (Walker, 2000). One way to understand why teachers may not initiate these types of relationships with students is the cultural mismatch in communication styles and teacher expectations between often middle-class White teachers and Black children (Delpit, 2006). In White middle-class culture, teachers are conferred authority by students through their position as teachers, however, in Black culture, teacher authority is conferred through a display of care for students and an embodiment of authority. Given this cultural context, a lack of strong student–teacher relationships becomes an academic hurdle for Black students.

The students’ perspective that experiences of racism were damaging to student–teacher relationships is expected. In particular, the boys in our study also discussed the ways that all Black males in their school were conceptualized as engaging in problematic behaviors. The boys in our study tapped into the ways that implicit and explicit bias is connected to educators’ perceptions of Black youth. Perceived racism has been associated with higher rates of depressive symptoms, low self-esteem/self-worth, and anxiety, which in term can manifest in a variety of internalizing and externalizing behaviors (Pachter & Coll, 2009). For Black males in particular, this can be mediated by understandable persistent anger at their mistreatment (Nyborg & Curry, 2003).

Additionally, the boys were able to reflect on the impact of disproportionate punishment as a symptom of racial bias. Students are cognizant of the ways teachers respond to student behaviors, and this awareness shapes students’ perceptions of themselves. While there is a diaspora of literature discussing the impact of disproportionality in discipline, there is a dearth of research exploring students’ qualitative perceptions on their experiences with disproportionate punishment. A study with over 1000 Canadian high school students found that students from racial minority groups were more likely to report higher levels of discriminatory discipline practices compared to their White peers (Ruck & Wortley, 2002). The impact of students’ perceptions is important in the context of understanding students’ behaviors and achievements. Students’ perceptions of fair disciplinary practices mediated by the quality of their relationship with their teacher have been found to predict prosocial classroom behaviors. More punitive disciplinary practices actually predict more disruptive behaviors for students (Way, 2011).

Specifically, for Black boys, teachers can also influence students’ perceptions of what it means to be Black. Research indicates that schools in general and teachers in specific play an important role in socializing Black students into their racial and ethnic identity (Aldana & Byrd, 2015). The boys in our study discussed views and beliefs about themselves and children that looked like them, which further internalized their own marginalization. Picower (2009) explores the ways that white pre-service teachers understand and make meaning of their role in the racial socialization process. The research indicated that White teachers used specific tools to maintain dominant views of racial stereotyping. Many of these beliefs and behaviors were implicit, which speaks to the insidious way that racist treatment gets perpetuated in our schooling system (Picower, 2009). The boys also voiced negative narratives about Black males who were the cause of trouble in the school. These narratives were not explicitly addressed by teachers or staff but were nevertheless ingrained in the boys’ perceptions.

Teachers play a role in shaping student identity and the boys in our study discussed the impact of teachers’ perceptions on their own self-esteem and worth. When the boys were acknowledged for their academic success or their participation in class, it facilitated the development of a positive school identity. Teachers who were able to recognize and celebrate students’ successes were helpful in creating a positive identity for the boys in the study. These teachers facilitated the development of self-esteem and belonging. Boys in our study also noted the important ways that teachers and students co-create notions of who are good and bad students. Teachers’ behaviors and language have an impact on shaping students’ identities. Broderick and Leonardo (2016) discuss the racialized implications of being viewed as a “good” student within schooling systems. They argue that this type of language and identity socialization continues to marginalize Black students by holding these students to an implicit racialized standard that is framed under the language of morality (Broderick & Leonardo, 2016).

Future Implications

The students’ perceptions highlight several implications about ways to increase the academic and mental health outcomes for Black students. Paramount to this was building positive relationships in the school environment. This finding corroborates literature that Black male students attribute a sense of belonging to their success in school environments. Drawing teachers’ attention to the value that students place in positive student/teacher relationships can help teachers to form better relationships with students resulting in lower disciplinary action rates against Black students and increased learning. This study builds upon current understandings of Black students’ cultural expectations of their teachers and can assist principals in their hiring practices by encouraging them to further examine teachers’ views of student ability, student culture, and student–teacher relationships. Principals can then hire teachers whose teaching philosophies and perceptions of students are more closely aligned with the cultural expectations of teachers.

The findings of this study could create a strong foundation for healthy student/teacher relationships for these teachers and their Black students. The implications of this research could also help shape professional development opportunities for existing school staff to create positive school cultures that are responsive to the needs of their Black students.

Additionally, there are recommendations for the advancement of research to support the mental health and emotional well-being of the Black body more broadly that can impact overall educational growth. Recognizing these challenges, the Congressional Black Caucus created an emergency task force on “Black youth suicide and mental health” (Coleman, 2019). After a review of the disparities in mental health outcomes that may be leading to the increased suicidality among these young people, they made the following recommendations to Congress: allocation of funding and resources to study mental health and black children, a focus on increasing black researches in doing this work, and demonstrate and promote evidence-based interventions and best practices for clinicians, school personnel, teachers, parents and others who interact with Black youth.

Lastly, this study helps to advance the field of psychology in the area of Black educational student experience and outcomes by providing detailed student perspectives on the various ways that they experience and are affected by racism within classrooms. In an age of colorblind discourses where race-based educational inequality is often framed as unavoidable and inexplicable, this study provides specific examples of acts of racism that negatively impact student well-being. The accounts provided by students were both striking and compelling not only in their similarity across individual student interviews but also in the level of detail students provided to demonstrate the unfairness of their experiences in relation to the treatment of their White or Asian peers. When read by teachers, principals, and other school officials, this paper has the power to help disrupt race-based school inequality by helping practitioners see how they may be unknowingly engaging in racist practices and how they can shift their practices to support Black students’ sense of well-being and academic success.