Children develop stereotypes regarding gender at a very early age (Martin & Ruble, 2004), and research indicates that the media provides a powerful avenue for young children to learn cultural ideals regarding gendered behavior and appearance. Several studies have examined gender roles in media targeting children, including advertising (e.g., Bakir & Palan, 2010; Matthes et al., 2016), television programming (e.g., Keys, 2016; Leaper et al., 2002), movies (e.g., Birthisel, 2014; England et al., 2011), and movie posters (Aley & Hahn, 2020), and have consistently demonstrated that characters in children’s media reinforce gender stereotypes. Children lack the ability to accurately decipher reality from fantasy or critically evaluate the messages portrayed in media (Harriger, 2012; Li et al., 2015), and are more likely to be affected by the media they consume than adults. Additionally, a study conducted on the influence of media on children’s ‘make believe’ worlds showed that a larger proportion of boys referenced previously consumed media in their story telling compared to girls (Götz et al., 2005). While research has examined messages regarding traditional masculinity in children’s media (e.g., England et al., 2011; Keys, 2016), less attention has been given to whether toxic (i.e., hegemonic) masculinity messages are present in children’s media through the portrayals of the humanoid and non-humanoid male characters. Thus, the purpose of the current study was to examine a more extensive set of masculinity themes exhibited by male characters in popular children’s animated movies.

Portrayals of Masculinity in the Media

Masculinity, a form of gender ideology that includes beliefs and expectations for how men and boys should look and behave, is culturally defined by social norms, beliefs, and expectations (Ingram et al., 2019). In the United States, there are several distinguishing characteristics of masculinity, including bravery, aggressiveness, self-reliance, risk-taking, and competitiveness (Salgado et al., 2019). Though masculinity itself should not be viewed as intrinsically harmful, strict adherence to traditional masculine norms has been associated with detrimental effects on overall health and wellbeing for men (Salgado et al., 2019). A study by King et al. (2018) reported that negative outcomes such as substance use, reduced help-seeking, poor mental health, and suicide are associated with conformity to traditional masculine norms. Research also suggests that masculine norms and socialization are related to the development of depressive disorders; individuals who more closely adhere to masculine norms tend to experience depressive symptomology at an increased rate (Iwamoto et al., 2018). For example, endorsement of masculine norms may discourage behavior related to seeking mental health support and help (McKenzie et al., 2018), which might serve to maintain depressive symptoms.

Toxic masculinity is described as a harmful form of traditional masculinity (Ingram et al., 2019) that is characterized by the drive to dominate and compete aggressively with others (Kupers, 2005), misogynistic and homophobic attitudes (Parent et al., 2018), and attempts to maintain dominance over women and minority groups (Connell, 1987; Jewkes et al., 2015). Some characteristics of toxic masculinity, such as reduced emotional expression and not showing vulnerability or weakness, may increase resistance to mental health treatment and psychotherapy, as men may be less likely to seek and/or engage in treatment (Kupers, 2005). Toxic masculinity not only poses risks to individuals who endorse it, but can negatively impact others as well. Adherence to hegemonic masculinity norms, such as dominance over women, has been linked to increased sexual aggression towards intimate partners (Smith et al., 2015). Other research has demonstrated that men exposed to a confederate making sexually objectifying comments about women were less likely to engage in prosocial bystander behavior when they observed others engaging in sexually aggressive behaviors (Leone & Parrott, 2019).

Many studies have reported the underrepresentation of females in the media (e.g., Collins, 2011), which may reflect the disproportionate emphasis on male roles in our society (Steyer, 2014). Additionally, in media targeting adults, male characters often reflect societal expectations regarding masculinity and, compared to female characters, are more often portrayed as dominant, aggressive, violent, tough, and unemotional (Collins, 2011; Scharrer & Blackburn, 2018; Zeglin, 2016). Male physical appearance is also associated with masculine norms. For example, a study examining the bodies of humanoid characters from over 3,000 Marvel comic books found that comic book male superheroes, who are often portrayed as stereotypically masculine, were almost as wide at the shoulders as they were tall and had shoulder-waist ratio and upper body muscularity almost twice that of normal college men (Burch & Johnsen, 2020). Exposure to this unrealistic muscular body type, especially for men with pre-existing muscularity concerns, may serve to increase body dissatisfaction and muscularity dissatisfaction (Arbour & Ginis, 2006).

Portrayals of Masculinity in Children’s Media

Research also indicates that animated television (e.g., Keys, 2016; Leaper et al., 2002; Thompson & Zerbinos, 1995) and movies (e.g., England et al., 2011; Gonzalez et al., 2020; Towbin et al., 2003) targeting children promote gender stereotyped messages. A study of classic Disney films found that male characters were more likely to be portrayed as less emotional, less in control of their sexuality, and stronger and more heroic than female characters (Towbin et al., 2003). Similarly, an analysis of gender roles of princes and princesses in Disney movies found that stereotypical representations of gender (e.g., male characters being portrayed as strong or performing a climactic rescue) were present in all Disney movies, particularly in earlier films (England et al., 2011). Finally, male characters in children’s animated movies are often portrayed as strong, muscular (Gonzalez et al., 2020; Harriger et al., 2018) and powerful (Aley & Hahn, 2020).

While this research demonstrates the prevalence of gendered messaging in children’s animated films, most studies focus on human characters only (England et al., 2011; Gonzalez et al., 2020) or limit their samples to Disney movies (England et al., 2011; Towbin et al., 2003). As Dreamworks Animation, Pixar, and other companies have utilized computer-generated imagery to bring non-human characters to life (Birthisel, 2014), it is important to expand past analyses to include films from various production companies and both humanoid and non-humanoid characters in analyses. One qualitative analysis of DreamWorks Animation and Pixar movies released between 2000 and 2010 found that non-human lead characters were portrayed as male through the use of three strategies: codes of bodily masculinity (deep voice, large body), sexual masculinity (the male characters were involved in a heterosexual pursuit or were the target of a heterosexual pursuit), and social masculinity (appearing in stereotypical male-dominated environments and less-masculine characters desiring to become more masculine and thus more powerful; Birthisel, 2014). Therefore, non-humanoid characters also have the potential to communicate and reinforce gender stereotypes and should be included in analyses.

Existing content analyses of children’s animated films also tend to focus on appearance (Gonzalez et al., 2020; Harriger et al., 2018) or on positive messaging related to masculinity. For example, in an analysis of Disney princes (England et al., 2011), except for the characteristics unemotional and inspires fear, most of the characteristics were positive (e.g., physically strong, assertive, brave, leader). Yet, the Conformity to Masculine Norms Inventory-46 (CMNI-46; Parent & Moradi, 2009), a commonly used measure to assess adherences to masculine norms in adolescent and adult men, includes qualities related to masculinity that are negative and indicative of toxic masculinity (e.g., violence, power over women, playboy, heterosexual self-presentation). Many of these characteristics have not yet been examined in children’s animated films, and very little empirical research about toxic masculinity has been conducted. Some researchers have posited that the subscales of the CMNI-46 reflect core aspects of toxic masculinity, including winning, heterosexual self-presentation, and power over women (Parent & Moradi, 2011; Parent et al., 2019), and have used these subscales in research examining toxic masculinity. While these subscales align with theoretical depictions of toxic masculinity, the researchers did not include violence or playboy as measures of toxic masculinity, even though aggressive competition and a drive to dominate are associated with toxic masculinity (Kupers, 2005). In addition, playboy behavior may also be linked to more toxic masculine behaviors, as a desire to dominate women is associated with this concept (Jewkes et al., 2015). Finally, it is possible that other aspects of masculinity may be toxic, such as objectification of women or inspiration of fear. Given the potential for these animated films to serve as socializing agents, it is important to also assess whether more negative or toxic masculinity messaging is present in children’s animated movies.

The Current Study

Expanding on previous research that has examined gender stereotyped content in children’s media (e.g., Aley & Hahn, 2020; England et al., 2011), the current study involves a comprehensive examination of various behaviors, characteristics, and physical attributes related to masculinity in children’s animated films. For example, England et al. (2011) coded masculine behavior for Disney princes but no other male characters in their analysis of nine Disney prince movies, whereas the current study examines masculine characteristics and behaviors of all male characters in a larger sample of movies. The present analysis also draws from past content analyses and research on adherence to masculine norms in adolescent and adult men to extensively examine messaging regarding masculinity in children’s movies. We also sought to include movies from various production companies that included humanoid as well as non-humanoid characters in order to extend findings from studies that examined humanoid characters only. Consistent with previous research, we hypothesized that masculinity messages would be prevalent in children’s animated movies. Additionally, as an exploratory aim, we compared the prevalence of masculinity messages for movies with humanoid versus non-humanoid characters.

Method

We used quantitative content analysis to identify masculinity messages in popular children’s animated movies. This method has been used in various studies to examine the content of children’s media (England et al., 2011; Harriger et al., 2018; Klein et al., 2000). The list of movies was obtained in September 2019 from IMDb’s list of the top US grossing animated films (https://www.imdb.com/search/title/?genres=animation&sort=boxoffice_gross_us,desc) and can be viewed in Table 3. The top 30 movies from the list were selected, excluding any movie that was currently in the theater.

Coding Strategy

The codes for masculinity were informed by previous research examining gender-related messages in animated movies (England et al., 2011), as well as studies examining masculinity in adolescent or adult men (e.g., Parent et al., 2018). The Conformity to Masculine Norms Inventory-46 (CMNI-46; Parent & Moradi, 2009) is a popular measure utilized to assess adherence to masculine norms and includes the subscales: winning, power over women, heterosexual self-presentation, emotional control, playboy, violence, self-reliance, risk-taking, and primacy of work. The questions in the CMNI-46 for each subscale were utilized when creating the coding manual to best reflect the nature of each of the themes. Additionally, we added codes that were assessed in earlier studies of gender roles in children’s animated media (physically strong, assertive, athletic, inspires fear, brave, leader; England et al., 2011). After viewing sample movie clips and consequent discussion amongst the researchers, we also added codes that were consistent with masculinity but not reflected in past content analyses examining masculinity (assertion of masculinity, engagement in traditionally masculine activities, objectification of women, engagement of activities to build strength, engagement in activities to enhance appearance, talks about strength, talks about appearance). Finally, we also coded for physical appearance attributes (muscularity, masculine features), given that muscularity (e.g., having defined muscles) and other physical features (e.g., strong jawline, broad shoulders) have been associated with masculinity (Harriger et al., 2018), and exposure to such physical portrayals may serve to increase appearance self-consciousness and body image concerns in viewers (Arbour & Ginis, 2006). A list of themes, definitions, and examples of each theme can be found in Table 1.

Table 1 Masculinity-Relevant Themes Coded
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Two students (one undergraduate student and one graduate student) were trained to code the movies. They received detailed information regarding each code and watched clips of movies not included in the current sample to practice coding and to discuss any questions that arose. The coders were then instructed to watch and code the first 20 min of five movies included in the present study on their own. Inter-rater agreement during the training session was 93%. After the training session, the coders individually watched each movie on the list in its entirety and recorded the total number of times that a theme was present in each movie as well as the number of male characters in each movie that were muscular or stereotypically masculine in appearance.

Coders were instructed to only code for male characters and assign a code each time a male character exhibited one of the pre-defined characteristics or was mentioned by other characters as exhibiting the characteristic. Each time a new behavior was exhibited by the character it was coded. When a scene change took place (i.e., shifted to a new setting), the behavior was coded again, even if the same behavior had taken place in a previous scene. The same behavior could also be coded with more than one theme. For example, if a character leaped and jumped in the air while also carrying something heavy, the behavior would be coded as both athletic and strong. This approach is consistent with previous content analytic methods for assessing masculinity messages in the media (e.g., England et al., 2011).

Krippendorff’s alpha (Kalpha; Krippendorff, 2004) was computed after all coding had taken place using the KALPHA macro for SPSS (Hayes & Krippendorff, 2007) to calculate inter-rater reliability. Consistent with recommendations, we required a minimum alpha value of .667 to be included in the present content analysis, as this would indicate acceptable agreement between raters. Krippendorff (2004) states that while α ≥ .80 is customary, α ≥ .667 is appropriate when tentative conclusions are acceptable. Consequently, the following themes were excluded from analysis: emotional control (α = –.74), self-reliance (α = .30), brave (α = .50), assertion of masculinity and muscularity (α = .66), winning (α = .65). Kalpha values for the remaining themes ranged from .82 to .91. Each coder provided written explanations for each code, and any disagreements in the coding were resolved via discussion between the coders (led by the graduate student). After discussion, Kalpha was excellent (1.0) for all variables.

Results

Masculinity themes appeared at various frequencies in the 30 animated movies included in the present content analysis. We first examined whether each masculinity theme was present or absent to determine how common these themes are in animated children’s movies. We then calculated the number of times each individual theme appeared in the movies to provide information about theme frequencies across all 30 animated movies. Next, we calculated the number of characters in each movie that were stereotypically masculine in appearance. Finally, we ran a series of independent samples t-tests to compare the prevalence of masculinity themes in movies with humanoid versus non-humanoid characters. A complete list of average frequencies of all masculinity themes in the coded animated movies can be found in Table 2. See Table 3 for frequencies of each masculinity-related theme in the animated movies.

Table 2 Inter-Rater Agreement and Average Frequencies of Masculinity Themes Across 30 Popular Children’s Animated Movies
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Table 3 Frequency of Masculinity Themes within Each Children’s Animated Movie
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Frequencies of Masculinity Themes

All movies in the present content analysis contained at least six of the 17 assessed masculinity themes (masculine physical appearance was excluded from these analyses as we computed the number of male characters with a stereotypical masculine physical appearance rather than the frequency of masculine physical appearances). The average number of distinct masculinity themes in the animated movies was 10.5 (SD = 2.2). Despicable Me 3 and Shrek Forever After contained the highest number of masculinity themes (n = 14), followed by Monster’s University, Shrek the Third, Toy Story 3, Kung Fu Panda 2, Sing, Despicable Me 2, and Minions (n = 13 for each). Movies with the fewest masculinity themes included Finding Dory (n = 6) and Frozen 2, Inside Out, Finding Nemo, The Incredibles 2, Toy Story 4, and Up (n = 8 for each).

The most common masculinity themes to occur in the animated movies were violence, which occurred an average of 9.4 (SD = 5.0) times in each animated movie, inspiration of fear, which occurred an average of 6.1 (SD = 3.2) times in each movie, and risk-taking behavior, which occurred an average of 5.7 (SD = 2.8) times in each movie. Most other masculinity themes appeared an average of two to five times in each movie, including physical strength (M = 3.5, SD = 2.8), athleticism (M = 4.4, SD = 2.8), assertiveness (M = 4.8, SD = 2.5), leadership (M = 4.9, SD = 3.0), and engagement in traditional masculine activities (M = 3.7, SD = 2.4). Engagement in activities to enhance appearance (M = 0.9, SD = 1.4), objectification of women (M = 0.7, SD = 0.9), male characters’ power over women (M = 0.6, SD = 1.0), engagement in activities to build strength (M = 0.3, SD = 0.8), discussion of a character’s strength (M = 0.2, SD = 0.4) or appearance (M = 0.8, SD = 0.4), playboy behavior (M = 0.4, SD = 0.8), primacy of work (M = 0.6, SD = 1.3), and heterosexual self-presentation (M = 0.1, SD = 0.4) were rarely present.

Male characters’ physical appearance was also assessed. Coders indicated the number of characters in each movie that fit the criteria for stereotypical masculine features. The average number of characters with masculine features was relatively low (M = 2.9, SD = 2.1).

Prevalence of Masculine Traits in Humanoid versus Non-Humanoid Characters

We conducted a series of independent samples t-tests in order to determine whether significant differences existed in movies with humanoid versus non-humanoid characters. Compared to non-humaoid characters, it was more likely for male characters in movies with humanoid characters to be coded as athletic (t(28) =  –2.26, p = .032) or engaging in activities to enhance appearance (t(28) = –2.16, p = .040). No other significant differences were found for the remaining themes.

Discussion

The purpose of the current study was to examine the presence of traditional and toxic masculinity messages in children’s animated movies. Overall, portrayals of masculinity were present in the sample of movies. Our results are consistent with past research that suggests children’s media may play a role in the communication and reinforcement of gender stereotypes (e.g., Birthisel, 2014; England et al., 2011), and extends past research by including humanoid and non-humanoid characters, a more comprehensive set of themes, and an examination of toxic masculinity messaging.

Consistent with our hypotheses, messages regarding masculinity were present in our sample. All movies in the analysis contained at least six of the 17 possible masculinity themes, with nine of the 30 movies containing at least 13 different masculinity themes. We observed that the movies with the highest number of masculinity themes were either composed of entirely non-human characters or a combination of human and non-human characters. Additionally, there were no significant differences in the rates of masculinity themes in movies with humanoid versus non-humanoid characters, except for athleticism and engagement in activities to enhance appearance. Our findings regarding the lack of significant differences between humanoid and non-humanoid characters are particularly important given that non-human characters were often not included in past content analyses examining gendered messaging in children’s media (England et al., 2011; Gonzalez et al., 2020). One previous study examining children’s animated movies reported that movies with non-human characters were less likely to include stereotyped portrayals for appearance (e.g., muscularity for male characters, thinness for female characters, attractiveness associated with positive traits) compared to movies with human characters (Harriger et al., 2018). However, the current analysis demonstrated that gendered messages are also prevalent in children’s animated movies with exclusively non-humanoid characters. Our findings converge with other research that has considered the ability of animators to depict masculinity in non-human characters (Birthisel, 2014).

The most common masculinity themes across the movies analyzed in the current sample were violence, inspires fear, and risk-taking. These results are consistent with past research that indicates that in adult media, male characters are often portrayed as dominant, aggressive, violent, and tough (Collins, 2011; Scharrer & Blackburn, 2018; Zeglin, 2016). Our findings also extend previous research examining children’s media, as many studies demonstrate that male characters are portrayed as strong or powerful but do not assess the aforementioned variables (Aley & Hahn, 2020; England et al., 2011). The inclusion and evaluation of specific themes, such as violence, related to the constructs of strength and power has important implications for the field’s conceptualization of what constitutes traditional and toxic masculinity.

Interestingly, although toxic masculinity is discussed at length in the literature (e.g., Ingram et al., 2019; Parent et al., 2019), there is a dearth of empirical research examining toxic masculinity. While toxic masculinity is characterized by a desire to dominate and compete aggressively with others (Kupers, 2005), particularly with women and minority groups (Jewkes et al., 2015), research examining toxic masculinity in adolescent and adult men has focused primarily on the characteristics of winning, heterosexual self-presentation, and power over women (Parent & Moradi, 2011; Parent et al., 2019), and has not included characteristics such as violence, inspires fear, playboy behavior, or objectification of women. If we were to define toxic masculinity based on earlier work, then our conclusion would be that children’s animated films contain very few toxic masculinity themes. However, we argue that two of the three most common themes in the movies in the current sample, violence and inspires fear, are consistent with the conceptualization of toxic masculinity. This is particularly concerning given that exposure to such messages may be linked to endorsement of gender stereotyped attitudes (Aubrey & Harrison, 2004; Coyne et al., 2016) and behaviors (Bandura, 1977, 2002). While our study did not examine the impact of exposure to such films, previous research demonstrates that children’s animated movies serve as potential gender socializing agents. For example, one study found that exposure to superhero programing was linked to higher levels of male-stereotyped play for boys and higher levels of weapon use for both boys and girls one year later (Coyne et al., 2016).

In addition, repeated exposure to traditional gender role portrayals via the media shapes an observer’s view of gender appropriate behavior and appearance (Bussey & Bandura, 1999; Tsao, 2008) as well as an individual’s understanding of acceptable gender identities (Steyer, 2014). This has implications for young viewers’ self-esteem (Tsao, 2008), depending on how closely their own behaviors and appearance reflect what they see in the media. It also has implications for the pursuit of gendered activities, sports, or academics (Aley & Hahn, 2020), as children may only seek out experiences that align with the gender roles they see represented in the media. For young boys, repeated exposure to stereotypes regarding masculinity in the media, particularly messages regarding violence and inspiring fear in others, may be especially harmful, as endorsement of such attitudes is linked to social dominance, bullying behaviors, lack of empathy, and homophobic name-calling (Ingram et al., 2019). Therefore, the frequency of violence and inspiration of fear in our sample warrants additional attention by researchers and interested stakeholders, especially when considering children’s inability to critically evaluate media messages (Harriger, 2012; Li et al., 2015). We urge researchers to reconsider how toxic masculinity has been measured in past empirical work and recommend additional research on the conceptualization and measurement of toxic masculinity messaging in the media.

Finally, it is promising that toxic masculinity themes such as playboy, objectification of women, power over women, and heterosexual self-presentation were rarely present in our sample of movies. However, given the relationship between adherence to toxic masculinity norms and increased sexual aggression (Smith et al., 2015), the presence of this type of messaging to any degree in children’s media is problematic. Moreover, many of the male characters displayed a combination of positive and negative masculinity traits throughout the movies. For example, male protagonists were often portrayed as leaders, assertive and athletic, while also demonstrating violent behaviors or inspiring fear in others. This mixed messaging within a single character, particularly a hero, may legitimize negative behaviors, such as violence, and act as an especially potent socializing agent for young viewers. We recommend further exploration of mixed messaging in children’s animated media.

The media has the power to influence and shape young viewers’ expectations regarding gender (Bandura, 2002), and therefore exposure to toxic masculinity messaging has the potential to cultivate beliefs that such behavior is normative and appropriate. It is also possible that it is not merely the presence of particular behaviors in media that influence children, but rather whether the character is considered to be a hero in the movie or is rewarded for such behavior. Therefore, it would be important for future research to examine differences between the heroes and the villains as well as whether characters are rewarded for toxic masculinity behaviors or other negative traits.

Of note, not all traits traditionally associated with masculinity are inherently problematic. Assertiveness and leadership by male characters occurred an average of four to six times each in the animated movies in our current sample. While these averages are not as high as those for more problematic masculinity themes such as violence (M = 9.4, SD = 5.0) or inspiration of fear (M = 6.1, SD = 3.2), they were also not as low as others, such as objectification of women (M = 0.7, SD = 0.9), male power over women (M = 0.6, SD = 1.0), or heterosexual self-presentation (M = 0.1, SD = 0.4). The movies with the highest instances of assertiveness by male characters were Despicable Me 2 (n = 10) and The Lion King (1994) (n = 10), and leadership by male characters occurred most often in Madagascar 3 (n = 14), Ice Age: Continental Drift (n = 10), and Toy Story 3 (n = 9). Therefore, these films may be more likely to engender healthy, positive views of masculinity in children. Exposure to male characters that are assertive or who are strong leaders may help children develop positive male role models both in the media they consume and in their own lives. This development of positive male role models might then be related to greater self-efficacy and achievement, as well as an increased understanding of what it means to be a man (Brownhill, 2014). Finally, it was encouraging to see that the number of male characters in each movie that displayed stereotypically masculine features was generally low.

Limitations and Directions for Future Research

The current study has many strengths, including its examination of a broader range of masculine characteristics and behaviors, including themes regarding toxic masculinity, and its relatively high interrater reliability among coders. However, it is not without limitations. First, the raters for the present content analysis provided subjective ratings for the variables assessed. While the raters did participate in a training session to prevent variability among coders and Krippendorff’s alpha was generally high, the raters’ own cultural biases and understandings of masculinity may have influenced how they coded certain variables. For example, raters were instructed to only code the qualities of male characters. Although it has been found that male characters (even non-humanoid characters) in children’s movies are typically easy to distinguish based on their stereotypical characteristics (Birthisel, 2014), it is possible that the raters differed in their assessment of gender. Furthermore, raters were instructed to code only the number of times each theme emerged in the animated movies, rather than the specific instances in which it occurred. It could therefore be the case that each rater recorded the same number of times a theme emerged in a given movie but identified different instances where the theme actually emerged. Future content analyses should instruct coders to not just record the number of times a theme emerges in a movie, but the specific instances in which that theme emerges. Similarly, the coders indicated the number of male characters that possessed stereotypical masculine features, but did not indicate the number of male characters with less stereotypical features, and the concentration on male characters also precluded an assessment of the number of female characters with more or less masculine features. It would be interesting for future researchers to also examine counter-stereotypical gender portrayals by characters in children’s animated films.

Future research examining other types of children’s media (e.g., YouTube or Netflix) is also warranted. We examined animated movies in the current study, and therefore results may not be generalizable to all children’s media. We also only examined male characters in the animated movies. It may be helpful for future studies to examine female characters as well to determine if themes such as leadership or assertiveness are more frequently displayed by male or female characters. Of note, the movies with the lowest number of messages regarding masculinity included female protagonists (Finding Dory, Inside Out, and Frozen). It seems that when the lead character is female, the messaging around masculinity is reduced, however further research examining female protagonists and female characters is warranted. Additionally, this study utilized a deductive method, and it is possible that an inductive method may have provided additional insight regarding messaging in children’s animated films, as researchers may have identified additional themes regarding masculinity missing in the current study.

Finally, as this study was a content analysis, we were unable to measure the downstream effects of exposure to masculinity messaging. We recommend that future researchers include an experimental design to determine whether exposure to such films is related to internalization of gendered messaging. We also suggest that researchers examine individual differences in internalization of gendered messaging among male and female participants who are asked to watch animated children’s movies in order to elucidate the extent to which these messages are problematic or beneficial, and the extent to which that effect differs based on gender.

Practice Implications

Children’s media, including animated movies, are influential in the development and maintenance of cultural ideals regarding gendered behavior and appearance. These findings indicate that children exposed to these popular films are receiving messages about masculinity and the norms for manhood. As such, it is important for educators and parents/caregivers to empower children to critically evaluate the portrayal and behavior of characters in the media that they consume. Media literacy programs provide avenues for educators to teach students about the depiction of gender in the media and the possible effects of exposure to such messages. For example, one media literacy program increased children’s ability to evaluate and critique gendered messaging of bullying in the media in a sample of 6th graders (Walsh et al., 2014). We encourage educators to begin these conversations early and to continue them throughout childhood and adolescence. Similarly, we encourage parents/caregivers to talk with their children about the media they are consuming and to seek out gender-diverse media for children in order to encourage exposure to a variety of ways of expressing gender and belonging to various gender groups.

Conclusion

The portrayal of masculinity in children’s animated films has been given narrow attention in the empirical literature. We offer evidence from this content analysis of popular children’s movies that both humanoid and non-humanoid male characters are portrayed as violent, but also as strong heroes. Past research demonstrates that exposure to gendered messaging in the media plays a salient role in children’s development of gender stereotypes and gendered behavior (e.g., Bussey & Bandura, 1999); therefore, our findings that characteristics representing toxic masculinity, such as violence and inspires fear, were prevalent in children’s films is concerning. However, we also found that positive traits associated with masculinity, such as leadership and assertiveness, were frequent, and it was somewhat rare for male characters to display other toxic masculinity traits, such as objectification of women, power over women, heterosexual self-presentation, and playboy behavior. While these findings suggest that both positive and negative messaging is present in children’s animated movies, it is important for parents and caregivers to monitor or limit negative content regarding toxic masculinity, and to consider the potential effects of that content on their children’s budding conceptualizations of gender identity, expression, and social norms.