Menstruation is regarded as both a biological and sociocultural phenomenon wherein views and beliefs around menstruation are shaped by social, cultural, and historical factors, as well as scientific “truths” (Kissling 1996; Stubbs and Costos 2004). More is known about how girls and women construct social meanings of menstruation than how boys and men do (Brantelid et al. 2014; Burrows and Johnson 2005; Jackson and Falmagne 2013). Previous research has found that boys and men harbor largely negative attitudes towards menstruation and menstruating women (Marvan et al. 2005; Roberts et al. 2002; Wong et al. 2013), but exactly how these attitudes are constructed, their impact on interpersonal relationships, or how negative attitudes may be counteracted remains unclear. To address this gap, the aims of the present study are to explore the attitudes towards menstruation of men living in Australia and to expand on current knowledge.

Why Menstruation and Why Men?

Menstruation may be regarded as a symbol of femaleness. Thus, how a society views menstruation may be linked to how society views women and girls in general (Kissling 1996). Indeed, research supports the notion that negative views about menstruation (e.g., as being disgusting or as something that should be hidden or controlled) or the menstruating woman (e.g., as irrational or dangerous) are related to negative views towards women generally (Johnston-Robledo et al. 2007), including sexism and hostility towards women (Forbes et al. 2003). For example, Roberts et al. (2002) conducted an experiment in which participants were randomly assigned to one of two conditions: one in which a female confederate dropped a hair clip or another in which she dropped a tampon. Participants in the latter condition were significantly less likely to like the confederate, more likely to describe her as incompetent, and to physically distance themselves from her. They also scored significantly higher on a scale measuring the objectification of women in general. These findings emerged regardless of participants’ gender, but were stronger among participants who identified strongly with stereotypically masculine or feminine traits.

Few studies have examined boys’ and men’s views on menstruation as the literature focuses predominantly on girls’ and women’s experiences. Exclusion of men from gendered health-related discussions, especially “women’s issues” such as menstruation, menopause, or reproductive issues, is common in education (Power 1995), in film and television (Kissling 2002), in family systems (Kalman 2003), and in research (Courtenay 2000). Framing menstruation as “none of men’s business” may have a range of negative effects on both men and women: It may perpetuate the notion that men ought to see women’s health as irrelevant to them (Courtenay 2000), it may impact men’s involvement in reproductive decision-making and their treatment of women (Allen et al. 2011), and it may negatively affect important interpersonal relationships (Kalman 2003). Furthermore, excluding men from discussions about menstruation fails to address the influence men can exert on women’s health in their roles as fathers, partners, and friends (Brooks-Gunn and Ruble 1986; Hensel et al. 2007; Kalman 2003; Rempel and Baumgartner 2003; Schooler et al. 2005; Ussher et al. 2014; Wong et al. 2013).

Menstrual Education of Boys

Research on socialization processes suggests that boys receive considerably less sexual education from their parents than girls do (Kissling 1996; Kirkman et al. 2002) and instead learn about sex mostly from their peers or the media (Leftkowitz and Espinosa-Hernandez 2007; Epstein and Ward 2008). Menstrual education in the context of formal schooling is likely to be riddled with negative messages, and tends to focus on biological facts rather than promoting more positive messages or demystifying the secrecy and taboo surrounding menstruation (Power 1995). In a study examining the content of sexual education materials, Diorio and Munro (2010) identified three themes with regard to menstruation: (a) a focus on preventing unwanted pregnancy, (b) a focus on learning to “cope” with the difficulties posed by menstruation, and (c) discussions of hygienic problems posed by menstruation. They argue that teaching a construction of the female body as unclean and in need of controlling serves to perpetuate gender conflicts of power and control. Despite sound rationale against gender-based segregation in schooling (Eliot 2013), research suggests that boys are still commonly excluded from menstrual education (Swenson et al. 1995; Marvan et al. 2005; Allen et al. 2011), which may cause confusion about their understanding of the female body (Power 1995).

Although insightful, content analyses that focus on the nature of educational materials or media depictions of menstruation tell us little about how boys perceive these materials and what messages they take away into adulthood. A qualitative analysis conducted by Allen et al. (2011) revealed great complexity in how boys learn about menstruation, both formally and informally. In their study, respondents reported learning about menstruation in the context of family conversations (commonly at the onset of a sister’s menarche), and later developed more well-rounded and positive views around menstruation through communication with women such as friends and girlfriends. Although the media, schools, family, and peers commonly transmit negative messages about menstruation, as boys are exposed to more positive information, their views and attitudes become more balanced (Burrows and Johnson 2005; Fingerson 2005; Mansfield and Stubbs 2007).

Boys’ and Men’s Attitudes Towards Menstruation

Much of the research on boys’ and men’s views on menstruation reveals largely negative, stereotypical, and uninformed views. Men appear to think of menstruation as more negative and debilitating than women do (Brooks-Gunn and Ruble 1986; Forbes et al. 2003; Marvan et al. 2005), are more likely to believe that menstruation affects academic performance (Walker 1992), and tend to hold the view that menstruation should be kept secret (Chang et al. 2011; Wong et al. 2013). One study on men’s and women’s perspectives on sexual activity during menstruation revealed polarized views (Allen and Goldberg 2009). Specifically, they found that men who were younger, single, and less sexually experienced were more likely to talk about sex during menstruation as “nasty,” “too much of a clean-up,” and “smelly” (p. 542). On the other hand, respondents who were older, in committed relationships, and had more sexual experience espoused no narrative of disgust, and they were more likely to frame their views of sexual activity during menstruation as arising out of mutual comfort and trust. In contrast, Marvan et al. (2005) found that older men (aged 50–60) were more likely to hold the view that menstruation should be kept secret compared to college-aged men. The younger men in their sample, however, were more likely to rate menstruation as “disabling,” (p. 275) and were more likely to endorse certain prescriptions and proscriptions around menstruation (e.g., women must not go swimming while menstruating, or must take hot showers). Aside from these factors, men’s traditional prescriptions and proscriptions about menstruation appear to be inversely related to tertiary education, especially in health-related degrees (Wong et al. 2013).

Although research attention has been devoted to social constructions of menstruation, much of this research has recruited younger people (i.e. from preadolescence to young adulthood) and girls, or it has conducted gender comparisons. Also, much of this research has used quantitative methods (most commonly questionnaires with numerical scales), restricting participants’ ability to elaborate on their responses. Open-ended questioning and qualitative analyses that center on focus groups, interviews, and written narratives can provide more rich and nuanced information. However, although a small body of research has specifically addressed men’s attitudes and discourse around menstruation, key features tend to be negativity (Allen and Goldberg 2009; Marvan et al. 2005; Roberts et al. 2002; Wong et al. 2013), endorsement of stereotyped and inaccurate views (Chang et al. 2011; Forbes et al. 2003; Walker 1992), but also great complexity in how men construct and orient their views (Allen et al. 2011; Fingerson 2005).

The Current Study

The current study is informed by a social constructionist framework. That is, we were interested in the ways men construct meanings around menstruation through language and in interactions with others (Creswell 2013), rather than viewing language as a window into respondents’ “real” views and beliefs. The aim of the present study is to expand on knowledge about Australian men’s attitudes towards menstruation. Past research has primarily sampled undergraduate students enrolled in human sexuality and psychology courses (Allen et al. 2011; Allen and Goldberg 2009; Brooks-Gunn and Ruble 1986; Forbes et al. 2003; Roberts et al. 2002), with some studies recruiting students enrolled in non-health related courses (Marvan et al. 2005; Walker 1992; Wong et al. 2013). Given that just 22 % of Australians cite their highest level of education as a bachelor degree or above (Australian Bureau of Statistics 2014) and that few past studies have recruited outside an educational setting (most commonly, boys enrolled in primary or secondary schooling, or men enrolled in a university program), in the current study we are interested in the menstrual attitudes of men with more diverse educational backgrounds. Furthermore, the authors know of no menstrual attitude studies conducted in an Australian context that sampled males. Few past studies have collected demographic information, making it difficult to assess the transferability of findings.

Our study was guided by three research questions: (a) What are men’s attitudes towards menstruation, and how do men make sense of their perceptions? (b) How does menstruation permeate men’s lives and through which sources? (c) How do men talk about their role in menstrual issues? The results of our study can be used to support past research findings as well as expand on current knowledge. Our exploratory study may also suggest some social mechanisms by which attitudes towards menstruation are transmitted to men.

Method

Participants

Participants were 48 men living in Australia who volunteered to complete an online questionnaire. Over two thirds (n = 32) of participants were aged between 18 and 39, with the remaining third (n = 16) aged between 40 and 69. The majority of respondents were Caucasian (n = 43), with a further four describing their family background as Asian, and one as mixed (specifically, Caucasian, Asian and Middle Eastern). Most respondents were currently either married or in a relationship (n = 30), with 16 indicating that they were single, and 2 separated or divorced. Respondents’ highest level of education attained ranged from Year 10 (n = 1), High School (n = 11), Tafe certificate [vocational education] (n = 2), Advanced diploma / diploma (n = 7), Bachelor degree (n = 17), Graduate diploma / certificate (n = 2), to Postgraduate degree (n = 8).

Procedure

Data were obtained from written responses to an online questionnaire and were collected between July and September 2015. An advantage of this method of data collection is its ability to access populations that are difficult to reach through other channels (Wright 2005). Online surveys are easy for respondents to complete, and they offer other advantages in terms of cost, time, geographical reach, and anonymity (Mann and Stewart 2000). Given the sensitivity of the study topic, the latter point was considered especially important. Furthermore, given the female gender of the researchers and the potential for discomfort for male participants, interview and focus group methods were considered problematic for the current study.

Participants were recruited through social media on the Murdoch University Psychological Society Facebook page. In an attempt to sample more broadly in terms of educational background, participants were also recruited through popular Australian online discussion forums, including Open Forums, Whirlpool Forums, and Reddit Australia. Forum moderators were contacted for permission to post an invitation to participate on their boards. Potential respondents were then provided with a link to an information page and the survey proper. Respondents were adult men currently living in Australia and were not excluded from the study based on other factors (e.g., sexual orientation). Respondents volunteered to participate and were not financially compensated. They were informed of their right to withdraw at any time and that any question could be skipped. Ethical approval was obtained from the Murdoch University Human Research Ethics Committee (2015/134).

Following the demographic questions, participants were asked “Who are some of the people you feel you have an important relationship with?” and they were provided with a checklist of all-female family members and friends (e.g., mother, aunt/s, daughter/s). The remainder of the survey contained open-ended questions concerning respondents’ attitudes towards menstruation, their experiences with menstruation, and in what ways they found knowledge about menstruation important or unimportant. Respondents were encouraged to elaborate on their responses as much as possible, to draw on life experiences, and to provide examples or tell stories relevant to answering the questions. The five survey questions were: (a) “Growing up, what are some of the things you have been told about menstruation? From whom? How do you feel about the things you have been told?”; (b) “How do you talk about menstruation today, if at all? What do you say? What are some of your thoughts or opinions?”; (c) “As a man, what are some of the ways that menstruation impacts on your life, if at all? How do you feel about this?”; (d) “As a man, do you ever feel that it is important for you to know about menstruation? Why or why not? In what ways is it important or not important?”; and (e) “In helping us understand your views on this matter, is there anything else you would like to add?” The first two questions were adapted from Allen and Goldberg (2009) and Allen et al. (2011).

A total of 118 survey responses were submitted; however, many respondents (64 %) completed the demographic questions and skipped all remaining questions. Excluding these, a total of 48 completed surveys were deemed appropriate for analysis. Those who completed the survey were somewhat older, and they were more likely to cite daughters as an important relationship (27 % versus 13 % for incomplete surveys), suggesting that those who did not complete the survey were less likely to be fathers. The two groups did not differ in terms of family background, education, or relationship status. Responses varied considerably in length, ranging from 103 to 990 words (M = 297, SD = 206).

Data Analysis

Our analysis was informed by a social constructionist epistemology, meaning that our primary interest was in understanding what the themes reveal about the socio-cultural meanings of menstruation rather than uncovering respondents’ “real” attitudes. Although we were interested in the meanings individuals attach to their experiences, the impact of the wider social context on meaning-making was also acknowledged (Willig 2008).

Both members of the research team reviewed all survey responses independently. Responses to the questionnaire were analyzed using the thematic analysis procedure outlined by Braun and Clarke (2006). Codes and themes were identified in an inductive “bottom up” way, meaning that analysis was data-driven as opposed to theory-driven. Although the identification of themes occurred largely at a semantic level, analysis went beyond surface meanings and sought to explore more covert and subtextual meanings in the data. In the initial analysis phase, survey responses were read repeatedly, and initial ideas noted by the first author. In a back-and-forth reflexive fashion, initial codes and related data extracts were clustered together, and then checked and re-checked against the data corpus. Any piece of text in the survey responses which exemplified a code was categorized under one (and occasionally multiple) codes. These codes were generated in a systematic fashion across the entire dataset, yielding a total of 25 initial codes. Upon completion of the coding phase, similarities and differences between and within codes were examined for the underlying or “essence” meanings, which were then reviewed, defined, and named as the resulting four main themes and two subthemes. After coding all responses, the two investigators discussed the codes, themes and subthemes, with disagreement being resolved by consensus. To increase rigor, a clear audit trail was kept with details about decision-making at each stage of the analysis (Joontun et al. 2009).

Results

All participants had at least one important relationship with a woman or girl. The number of important female relationships ticked by each participant (of the ten provided) ranged from 1 to 8, with an average of 3.69 (SD = 1.7). The most commonly ticked relationships were participants’ mothers (n = 40), female friends (n = 31), and their girlfriends or wives (n = 28). Responses indicate that 22 (46 %) participants had a female sibling, 12 (21 %) were fathers with a daughter, and 7 (15 %) were uncles with nieces and that they considered these relationships as important to them.

The findings of our analysis are presented in terms of four overarching themes: (a) Managing the stigma of menstruation, which reflects respondents’ attempts to navigate the secrecy, taboo, and negative messages received about menstruation when they were growing up; (b) Talking menstruation today—open and closed communication, reflecting polarity in respondents’ current openness to discussing menstruation; (c) Menstruation is part of relationships, in which menstruation was discussed in the context of important relationships in respondents’ lives, and includes the subthemes of “men’s role in menstruation” and “menstruating women are difficult to deal with”; and (d) Menstruation and social commentary, which highlights the ways respondents situated their responses in terms of the greater social and political context. Table 1 provides demographic information about each respondent whose quoted statements are identified by the respondent’s bracketed ID number. An abbreviated coding scheme, including illustrative examples and frequencies, can be found in Table 2.

Table 1 Respondents’ demographic information by ID number
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Table 2 Abbreviated coding scheme for responses and frequencies of comments
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Theme 1: Managing the Stigma of Menstruation

Respondents reported that they were told very little or nothing at all about menstruation growing up. Menstruation was often shrouded in secrecy; it was something that happened behind closed doors, that was whispered, or a discussion from which respondents were simply excluded. For example: “Period was a taboo word growing up. My mother and sister would be very secretive when talking about it” [44] and “I don’t remember being told anything. I remember my little sister calling out from the toilet to mum one day in the middle of lunch, about something dark, and her hurriedly going there, closing doors behind.” [46].

Respondents told stories about feeling bewildered and not understanding what all the “fuss” and secrecy was about. “My older sister’s first period was a surprise and happened at a family outing to the beach, and I recall all the fuss as the appropriate apparatus was procured. I had no idea what was going on.” [1].

I recall that my older sister sent me to the shop when I was younger to buy cotton pads for her and that she told me to ask for it in a way that nobody can hear me. I presumed later that it was for her menstruation and did not quite understand why it needed to be secret. [10]

Many respondents talked about their formal menstrual education as being inadequate, confusing, or non-existent. For example: “Basically (I was told) nothing at all, at school we were taught that girls bled once a month or so and that it sometimes hurt, that is literally all the future generations are being taught.” [9] and “There was a very brief mention of it during sex education at school, but nothing more than a quick description that took about 10 seconds.” [34]. The information was “poorly delivered” [1] or focused on the physiology of menstruation, rather than the “day-to-day practicality” [45]. Some respondents recalled being removed from class while their female classmates discussed menstruation.

…this was the year where… we were talking about periods. The female teacher started the topic and then told all the boys to have an early lunch so that she could be with the girls to talk about periods. The topic was never talked about again in class. So from that day till Year 12, no boys would know anything about periods unless they researched it or had a female friend. [35]

If menstruation was not discussed at home or at school, it is unsurprising that respondents talked about having to figure it out for themselves. As one said, “I was never told anything about it from other people. I had to figure it out for myself.” [34] They learned about menstruation through friends, magazines, the Internet, or found out later in life through dating relationships. For example: “No one person told me whilst growing up. I read about it or found out through friends.” [24] and “Nobody ever told me anything about menstruation in my childhood; I think I learned about it while reading magazines or books.” [10].

Respondents also talked about menstruation-related myths they believed when they were younger: “[We knew] that when girls started bleeding, they could become pregnant. When the first girl in our class got her period…all of the boys stopped playing with her out of fear that she might become pregnant. No kidding.” [14] Another respondent wrote, “We as children were told that it was a ‘dirty time’ for women and were to be aware and wash our hands regularly.” [39] Although no respondents actually admitted to teasing girls about menstruation, they certainly witnessed (sometimes extreme) instances of this:

South Park [a television comedy] was getting big then and the movie was quoted quite a bit as we were kids. One joke was by the character Mr. Garrison ‘I just don’t trust anything that bleeds for 7 days and doesn’t die.’ I remember getting the joke at that age and thinking it was really funny. [21]

I was in Year 7 and a girl… had her period at her desk and was not wearing a tampon or pad. Naturally it went on the chair and people teased her. I remember thinking how awful this was. She was in tears and everyone was laughing. [44]

It is clear that many participants received largely negative overt and covert messages about menstruation (e.g., menstruation is dirty) and that the menstruating woman was generally regarded in a negative light.

Theme 2: Talking Menstruation Today

Respondents varied in their current openness to discussing menstruation, ranging from open to closed communication. On the one hand, some communicated in a way that was open, matter-of-fact, and candid. They felt comfortable to discuss menstruation and related topics, but acknowledged that their openness could unsettle others:

… if I have a question or input from a male perspective I’ve always felt comfortable to chime in. On the other hand my male friends don't want to talk about it, as far as they are concerned the less they know and are involved in the process the better… I’ve had many conversations that a lot of other males would shy away from. [22]

I’m aware that a lot of men and women consider this strange, and many find my openness to be awkward or gross. I find it strange myself the degree that some people avoid it or are grossed out by it… I’ve had conversations that went along the lines of Me: “It’s normal; it’s just blood and mucus. Not a big deal.” Woman: “Ewww. Just... stop.” [42]

Respondents talked about menstruation as a “non-issue” [5, 6, 9, 11, 31, 33, 36, 38, 40, 42] or as “no big deal” [6, 9, 16, 29, 33, 36, 42, 44]. Menstruation was often normalized and compared to other everyday topics: “It’s treated like no big deal, a part of life, in the same vein as discussing a stomach ache or haircut.” [6] Likewise, “I see it as a natural part of being a woman; it’s nothing to be ashamed of or be disgusted about.” [31] Another respondent argued:

I think it’s all a bit silly that people make a big deal out of it, it’s natural, like taking a crap… One time a friend of mine left a wrapped up tampon on the floor of my place. She called. I threw it out. It’s no big deal. [44]

In contrast, menstruation appeared to make other respondents uncomfortable, particularly when the discussion was overly descriptive or “graphic”: “In high school, girls would be fairly open about it, and complain loudly in graphic detail. Luckily that phase is over.” [14] Another respondent similarly eschewed detailed discussion about menstruation:

I really don’t ask for a running documentary on her menstruation. I know enough, if there is a problem she knows to tell me. I know it serves a purpose, it happens for a reason, it also DOESN’T happen for a reason… Again, I really don’t need to know or micro-manage her cycle. [11]

These respondents described menstruation as “women’s business” and felt it was unimportant for men to know or talk about: “Men don’t need to know anything about it because it’s not our problem.” [4] Similarly, another respondent wrote, “I would say I prefer it that way. As in, not being involved in what is essentially a woman’s problem as bad as that sounds.” [21]

Theme 3: Menstruation is Part of Relationships

The vast majority of participants talked about menstruation in the context of important relationships with women and girls in their lives. Menstruation was seen as “part and parcel of being in a heterosexual relationship” [5], but was also discussed in terms of other relationships (e.g., friends, daughters). Understanding menstruation enabled respondents to understand her and be supportive: “If a man lives with a female partner he need to understand as much as it is possible about all aspects of her life including menstruation.” [10] Another respondent emphasized taking an active role in parenting and education: “How could I take an active role in parenting by not knowing about an important part of a female’s reproductive process? How could I educate my daughter or son?” [22].

Menstruation permeated men’s lives in multiple and varied ways. Most commonly, respondents talked about the physical and emotional changes seen in women and girls. Some viewed the arrival of menses as a sign of failure and cause for great disappointment when they were trying to conceive. Others talked about the arrival of menses as a blessing and the relief associated with this if they did not want to have children.

The relationship between menstruation and sex emerged in 17 respondents’ narratives and was usually discussed in terms of how menstruation impacted their lives. For most, menstrual sex appeared to be non-negotiable, reflected in the absoluteness of words used, such as: “…we can’t have sex” [21], “…we would have to wait before we can get ‘intimate’”[25], “Unable to have sex for ~ week” [43], or, “…sex is not an option” [43] [italics added]. It is unclear from most responses who exactly enforced the “no sex” rule; respondents, their partners, or both. In contrast, two respondents were not entirely opposed to menstrual sex: “Tastes like copper earning your red wings, but there is no physical issues on my end.” [19] and “Period sex is kinda taboo, which makes it fun.” [23]

Subtheme 1: Men’s Role in Menstruation

Respondents took an active role in menstruation in terms of providing emotional (e.g., being someone to talk to) and practical support (e.g., purchasing pads or tampons, filling hot water bottles): “…usually I am just checking in, making sure it’s not worse than normal and seeing if there’s anything I can get her to help.” [27] The pain associated with menstrual cramps was difficult to witness and led to feelings of frustration and helplessness. Respondents felt they had a duty, or at least a desire, to help alleviate this pain. “It can be hard when a lady is really having a bad time of it. However this is like any situation that causes hurt or pain. You need to be there for them and help them through it…” [36] Another respondent said, “Her periods were extraordinarily painful… We would have to arrange our social and family life around these days of near-blackout… I learned to cope and never felt contempt, disgust or anything negative: more pity, compassion, helplessness for a time...” [1]

Subtheme 2: Menstruating Women are Difficult to Deal With

The menstruating woman was commonly depicted as unstable, difficult, and demanding. For instance, one participant stated “It’s a real pain in the neck for men to deal with” [41], while another simply said “PMS is hell.” [48] They learned, from other people and from personal experience that “it causes girls to cry and behave irrationally” [1], “that the ladies get cranky… and to avoid them” [17], and that “they may become more irritable” [37] and “hard to deal with.” [41] Menstruating women could have mood swings, be impatient, short-tempered, and confrontational. Living and working with a menstruating woman was described as unpredictable and precarious.

For some respondents menstruation was a cause of conflict and could exert direct negative influence on relationships.

I find it difficult to deal with the emotional “turmoil” women go through during menstruation. Some of my previous partners have suffered more than others and it did cause my relationships to become strained, such that I would prefer to stay at work than go home and have to deal with it… Not having to deal with it is one of the reasons I never married and probably never will. [34]

A few respondents described instances of relationship conflict where they had to stand up for themselves and told stories of premenstrual syndrome (PMS) being used as an excuse for “bad behavior.” [42].

In earnest, slightly tired of PMS being used as an excuse to behave like a complete jerk. I empathize, and know how much of a bother it can be and how painful, but at the same time, girlfriends in the past have used period cramps/pain as an excuse to get out of a ton of bothersome situations… while not actually being on their period. [14]

There were also times just prior to or at the beginning of menstruation that she was short tempered and confrontational, which she told me were hormone related—up to a certain extent I was understanding of these… but if it escalated I tended to do the opposite of the stereotypical advice and stand up for myself (starting with a decisive "I didn’t deserve that", but leading to raised voices and arguments at times). I felt/feel that hormones are a reason that help explain behaviour, but not an all-round excuse to behave badly when you otherwise know it’s bad behaviour. [42]

Theme 4: Menstruation and Social Commentary

In the above theme, respondents talked about menstruation in an interpersonal context, or with reference to their personal experiences. However, almost half (n = 23) of all respondents also discussed menstruation at a macro level, that is, within the greater societal, cultural, and historical context. Here, respondents were less likely to talk about themselves, but made comments about men and women in general. For example: “I think there used to be a stigma, but that those feelings are slowly fading away… I think men have come a long way on their views of menstruation. We don’t live in the 50’s anymore.” [19].

Responses often took the form of a (sometimes quite fervent) critique of other men or social systems: “It is a biological process that affects half the population… it is important to know about and understand and not be a fucking twat about.” [23] Another respondent wrote, “A man who can’t accommodate this is a stupid pig IMHO [in my honest/humble opinion].” [33].

Menstruation was seen as a political and economic issue: “…I do think taxing menstruation products and not treating them like an everyday item is pretty unfair for the women in my life.” [38] Another respondent positioned menstruation as a societal issue, writing:

Because the cosmetic industry and most of our culture goes to great lengths to hide or disguise the fact that a woman is menstruating, there is still stigma attached despite the lightening socio-cultural acceptance. Do we societally pursue the idea… of making menstruation invisible… or do we accept the idea that it’s a fundamental part of the human experience? [1]

Others wrote about menstruation as specifically a gender issue and encouraged more open communication, especially among men:

But the main problem is that media shames everything about periods as they expect all females to react the same at all time of year. More males need to talk about this topic as it affects most of the females in the world. We all need to be more open about this topic. [35]

…I don’t feel like a man has the right to laugh as it is simply something that we could never understand anatomically. For a woman to laugh seems unfair too. Women are a group in society who have fought hard to reach a certain level of gender equality…Men seem to get away with being ignorant about menstruation, because we never have to experience it. But considering most men in the world are straight and will have girlfriends, wives, daughters, etc.… it is important that they don’t view it as something taboo or dirty. I think that a lot of the ways women feel about their period is measured by male perception, which again reinforces this taboo. [44]

Although the vast majority of these responses could be described as “pro-woman,” other views appeared to be linked to contempt for women in general: “Women want men to solve everything—they can fix this one up by themselves… Women can fuck off. Why should anybody care what they think or feel about anything? Menstruation is not my problem!” [4] It is interesting to note that many responses making up this theme were found in the final question of the survey, where respondents were asked if they had anything else they would like to add.

Discussion

Four central findings emerged from this research. First, male respondents highlighted the taboo, secrecy, and stigma surrounding menstruation in relation to their experiences and messages they received while growing up. The secrecy surrounding menstruation is unsurprising given that many women and girls go to great lengths to disguise that they are menstruating (Repta and Clarke 2013; Brantelid et al. 2014). It is clear from these findings that respondents felt dissatisfied with the education they received and, in the absence of helpful information, took it upon themselves to learn about menstruation. Second, there was a polarity in respondents’ comfort in discussing menstruation in adulthood. For some, reluctance to participate in menstrual talk may reflect attempts to distance themselves from what is traditionally viewed as a “woman’s problem.” It may be that negative and misogynist messages about menstruation legitimize the idea that men should feel uncomfortable about openly discussing menstruation (Allen et al. 2011). On the other hand, other participants highlighted their openness and emphasized a view of menstruation as normal and natural.

Third, challenging the idea that men have nothing to do with menstruation, many respondents talked about taking an active role in menstruation, and they situated their commentary within important relationships in their lives. This finding may reflect improved equality in modern relationships and increasing involvement of men in reproductive decision-making. Men’s role in menstruation may arise from the notion that the “modern man” is becoming more sensitive and thoughtful and emphasizes reciprocity in intimate relationships (Duncan and Dowsett 2010). Respondents’ descriptions of the menstruating woman as difficult and demanding align with those found in previous research (Forbes et al. 2003). From a social constructionist perspective, this finding could be interpreted as arising from social and cultural narratives that depict the menstruating woman as “mad” or unstable, or from medical narratives that construct menstruation as pathological (Ussher 2000).

A final finding suggests that men have a lot to say about menstruation and position their commentary within the greater social, cultural, and political sphere. Few responses were explicitly misogynistic, and, indeed, the vast majority of responses composing this theme were decidedly pro-woman. It may be tempting to interpret this finding as a sign of the times; however, given that respondents self-selected to participate in our study, their responses may be reflective of selection biases involving greater comfort in discussing menstruation, more liberal views, or resistance to conformity and tradition. This finding may also arise from the anonymity afforded by an online survey.

Limitations and Future Directions

Limitations of our study include use of a non-representative sample, limiting generalizability to other populations. Another limitation is the high attrition rate of participants who did not complete the survey past the demographic questions. This suggests that responders were more comfortable with the topic than non-responders. However, strengths of our study include the collection of more demographic information than in previous research, improving readers’ ability to assess the transferability of findings. Respondents were predominantly Caucasian, and none identified as Aboriginal/Torres Strait Islander or African. To the author’s knowledge, no previous research has explored the menstrual attitudes of men within these cultural groups, and fruitful research could emerge from cross-cultural examinations. No data about respondents’ sexual orientation were collected, providing no insight into the unique experiences of gay, bisexual, and trans men. A cross-sectional design makes it impossible to draw inferences about the causes of menstrual attitudes. The use of retrospective accounts may also be limiting; for example, respondents’ recollections could be incomplete, inaccurate, or influenced by current experiences. Although the use of an anonymous online survey may have made respondents more comfortable to elaborate on their responses compared to focus group or interview methods, a drawback of this approach is the inability to ask participants to clarify their responses or to inform the analytic process.

The impact of important relationships on men’s menstrual attitudes warrants further investigation. For example, interviews with couples or father-daughter dyads may deepen our understanding of how men’s roles in menstruation are negotiated and co-constructed within relationships. Future work could compare menstrual attitudes across the number and quality of relationships cited. For example, do men with a higher number of important relationships with women have more positive menstrual attitudes than those with fewer relationships? Or, do men with more or less positive relationships with women differ in their menstrual attitudes? This could further elucidate the link between menstrual attitudes and attitudes towards women in general. Finally, exploring how important relationships with males impact menstrual attitudes (such as fathers, brothers, or male peers) would also be insightful. Although we collected data about a range of demographic factors (e.g., age, educational attainment), the design of the study prohibits between- and within-group comparisons with respect to menstrual attitudes. It could be that a range of factors influence menstrual attitudes, but whether and how specific factors do so is beyond the scope of the current study.

Practice Implications

These findings shed light on how boys learn about menstruation and how menstruation, as well as men’s role in it, is constructed and navigated. This approach emphasizes the developmental, educational, relational, and socio-political contexts in which these attitudes and meanings are created. Interventions for increasing men’s involvement in menstruation and related issues (e.g., in terms of education, parenting, reproductive matters, menopause, sexuality) could be aimed at any (or all) of these contexts. For example, the findings of our study could be used by sexual health educators to create more effective educational programs, both in terms of curriculum and delivery. Greater involvement of parents and other significant adults in encouraging open communication about menstruation could be beneficial to boys and young men, and they may help counter any confusion or misinformation about the female body. Many respondents clearly had a desire to understand and be supportive of the girls and women in their lives, but may have felt ill-prepared to do so. Single fathers, for example, may feel especially unsure about how to navigate well-informed discussion about menstruation with their children. Finally, contributing to the research literature on menstruation and men’s understandings thereof facilitates conversation and may reduce the stigma and taboo associated with menstruation.

Conclusions

Building on existing research, our study explored the accounts of 48 Australian men discussing their experiences with and attitudes towards menstruation. Four key findings emerged from these accounts, namely, how respondents managed the taboo and stigma surrounding menstruation in childhood and adolescence; the polarized openness with which respondents currently discuss menstruation in adulthood; the experience of menstruation in the context of interpersonal relationships with women and girls in their lives; and discussions of menstruation situated in the wider social, cultural and political context. Our findings highlight great complexity in how men construct their views towards menstruation, which is impacted by developmental, educational, relational, as well as socio-cultural factors. It also suggests ways in which negative views towards menstruation may be counteracted at these levels. We recognize that men’s attitudes towards menstruation are not created in a vacuum, and we hope that our article sparks further investigation into these links.