Abstract
This paper examines suicide prevalence among Nigerian youth struggling to find meaning in life. Frustrated by unattainable ideals, they experience despair. The study explores religion's role in providing support for meaning-seeking individuals. Utilizing an explorative approach, the paper highlights how religion can play a role in offering solidarity, morality, and hope as vital resources for creating a meaningful life. It introduces "Pastrotherapy" as a pastoral care approach to addressing existential questions. Findings emphasize the importance of religious communities and leaders in promoting resilience and addressing underlying causes of despair. This study reveals how religious beliefs and practices support Nigerian youth facing existential challenges, shedding light on the intersection of religion, meaning-making, and mental health.
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Introduction
The escalating suicide rates among Nigerian youth have sparked a significant outcry (Adewuya et al., 2016). Research indicates that suicide accounts for more than 12% of deaths among young people, with its ideation particularly prevalent during adolescence (Cavelti & Kaess, 2021; Torok et al., 2019). Emile Durkheim (2002), as the progenitor of sociological investigations into suicide, established a correlation between psychopathic and sociological phenomena. From his study, suicide has been ultimately concluded to be a unique phenomenon (Wang et al., 2018). But rather than solely focusing on mental illness as the sole cause or outcome of suicidal tendencies, it is crucial to underscore the significance of finding meaning in life. Various studies (Hodges & Crowe, 2014; Lightsey & Boyraz, 2011; Patrick & Schulenberg, 2013) have demonstrated that discovering meaning in life can act as a protective factor against depression, alleviate suicide risk, and enhance overall well-being.
Adewuya et al. (2016) assert that effective suicide prevention begins with addressing suicidal behaviors. These behaviors are often associated with common mental disorders such as depression and anxiety, as well as societal perceptions, self-acceptance issues, and a lack of acceptance of disabilities in all forms. Their research reveals that 7.28% of prevalent suicidal ideation is independently linked to these behaviors, along with factors such as age, gender, marital status, and employment in low-valued jobs.
Religion has been recognized as a significant influence on the assessment of life's meaning based on personal experiences. In a study by Fasogbon et al. (2019), a relationship between suicide and the level of religious belief was established. The researchers identified religious belief as a contributing factor to suicidal ideation among youths. However, the occurrence of suicide cases involving clergymen and religious individuals raises doubts about these conclusions. This skepticism is reflected in Lawrence et al. (2016)'s research, which suggests that religion is not exclusively a protective factor against suicide but can also contribute to it.
The societal dysfunction characterized by ineffective government policies, breakdown of law and order, abuse of power, substandard living conditions, moral decay, and insecurity also fosters thoughts of suicide. In such circumstances, the acceptability of suicide increases, as it becomes seen as a viable option to escape from perceived insurmountable misery (Blosnich et al., 2018; Stack & Kposowa, 2011). When faced with these challenges, pastoral caregivers are left wondering which approach can be most effectively employed in cases of suicide. The need for interventions necessitates a thoughtful examination of how religion relates to the prevention and practice of caring for individuals in the context of suicide.
Literature Review
Contextualizing Suicidality in Nigeria
It is important to situate the prevalence of suicide in Nigeria. In the past decade, there has been an abundance of news about suicide deaths in Nigeria. These deaths have primarily affected young people aged 16 to 45 (Adewuya et al., 2016). Most of these cases have occurred within universities (Afolabi et al., 2020; Ajibola & Agunbiade, 2021; Ibrahim et al., 2021; Igundunasse & Medubi, 2019; Ogunleye et al., 2019; Ojoye, 2018; Onah et al., 2020). Additionally, there have been other instances of suicide, such as the case of Michael Arowosaiye, a minister in RCCG, whose suicide was linked to depression caused by "rent" issues and sexual accusations (Ugbodaga, 2019), as well as a Nigerian Disco Jockey who took his own life due to unresolved marital problems (Linda Ikeji, 2019).
In Nigeria, suicide is carried out using various methods, including hanging, poisoning, drowning, and firearms (Onotai & Ibekwe, 2010; Oyetunji et al., 2021). Some studies have even delved into categorizing these methods based on gender. Offiah and Obiorah's research found that "women tend to choose less violent means of suicide, such as drowning or poisoning, while males often opt for more violent methods like hanging or firearms" (Offiah et al., 2014, p. 8).
The societal conditions in Nigeria have been argued to contribute to an individual's vulnerability to suicide. The dysfunctional nature of Nigerian society fosters an environment conducive to such circumstances. One significant consequence of this dysfunctional society is depression (Omigbodun et al., 2008). As highlighted by Lawal (2018), given the increasing occurrence of suicide in the country, it is essential to thoroughly investigate depression. Fasogbon et al. (2019) demonstrated that factors such as unemployment, financial crises, stress, and frustration (including emotional trauma) are responsible for suicidal behavior among Nigerian youth. They argued that these factors give rise to despair and a desire to end one's life.
Several factors have been identified as underlying factors of depression in Nigeria by some medical practitioners (Shittu, 2019; Warigon, 2018). These factors include substance abuse, economic hardship, and heartbreak. Although Feigelman et al.'s research (2014) suggests that "suicide acceptability"—the belief that suicide is a viable solution to a problem—plays a role in completed suicides, Blosnich et al. (2018) also support this notion in their study on suicide morbidity, encompassing suicide ideation, planning, and attempts. In conclusion, the conditions and experiences of individuals within a dysfunctional society shape their choice of suicide as the ultimate solution to life's challenges.
There are various interconnected factors that contribute to both suicidal thoughts and completed suicides. Pius Adejoh, a lecturer in the Department of Sociology at the University of Lagos, identified three factors behind suicide among youths: moral decadence, lack of family upbringing, faulty orientation, and socialization, which some describe as an "entitlement mentality" (The Guardian, 2019). An example highlighting the socioeconomic aspects is the crisis in job generation and availability. This crisis, along with income instability, also affects relationships. The level and quality of life of the population in a country like Nigeria are influenced by the prevailing remuneration rates. This, in turn, impacts the poverty level across the country. A recent report by the National Bureau of Statistics (Ichedi, 2022) stated that 133 million Nigerians are considered multidimensionally poor. Being in a state of unemployment (and underemployment), low wages, and resulting poverty often led to frustration.
Frustration is a reactive state influenced by social and economic deficits. Jeronimus et al., (2017, p. 85), in their investigation of adolescent frustration as a baseline and vulnerability factor for development, defined frustration as "irritable distress in response to limitation, exclusion, and failure." Adewuya and Makanjuola (2008), however, found that an individual's personal failure was not strongly endorsed as a causative factor for suicide. Their research revealed that the most frequently cited causes were substance and alcohol misuse (72.3%), followed by witchcraft/sorcery/evil spirit (65.5%) and the belief in God's will/divine punishment (50.1%), while personal deficits/failures were least endorsed (10.2%). Turecki and Brent (2016) argue that interpersonal conflict, impulsive aggression, conduct disorder, antisocial behavior, and substance and alcohol misuse are more significant in understanding suicidal behavior among adolescents and young adults. These behaviors are prevalent among Nigerian youth and contribute to the increase in suicide cases.
We could observe that the reasons for suicide among young people in Nigeria are often connected to their everyday experiences and the root causes of suicide. These reasons, which contribute to thoughts of self-harm, are distinct from mental health problems. This differentiation aligns with the viewpoint expressed by Shilubane et al. (2013), who highlight the significance of considering the behavioral aspects of youth, in addition to psychological factors, when developing effective strategies for suicide prevention.
These facts support the viewpoint of Haw and Hawton (2015), who highlight the complexity of the causes underlying suicidal behavior. They argue that "psychiatric disorders alone do not explain why people choose to end their lives, but it is a fact that in the majority of cases, there is an underlying mental disorder, and this vulnerability interacts with multiple psychological and social factors that lead some individuals to end their lives or attempt to do so" (Haw & Hawton, 2015, p. 15). Therefore, it is essential to recognize that not every suicide is a result of outright insanity. Internal neurological and emotional disturbances, influenced by various factors, can contribute to an individual's vulnerability. These factors collectively contribute to variations and increases in suicide rates.
Netnographic Review of Religious Perception of Suicide
The news of suicide deaths elicits various reactions depending on one's perception of the phenomenon or their connection to the victim. In Nigeria, these reactions are often influenced by religious beliefs and cultural taboos associated with suicide. A netnographic study conducted by Nwafor et al. (2023) aimed to understand how Nigerians perceive and respond to suicide news on electronic media. This study sought to establish the relationship between religion and suicide in the Nigerian context. Thirteen social media platforms and online newspaper sites were analyzed to gather reports of suicide deaths. The comments (164) on these reports were thematically categorized to determine their religious or theological outlook (Table 1). The reactions fell into themes such as prayer to God, the role of God in tragedy, judgment and sin, and the influence of worldly and supernatural forces (Table 2). These findings reveal that despite the increasing number of suicides among young people and adults, there are Nigerians who still interpret and process such incidents through a theological, religious, and/or spiritual lens.
The news of death triggers various types of reactions, even though it is an inevitable event (Attig, 2010; Tomer & Eliason, 2007). In the case of death by suicide, people's reactions can quickly turn to despair, anger, and sometimes judgment. With the impact of globalization, which has expanded communication and information dissemination, these reactions are further shared on various media platforms. These reactions provide insights into how people perceive suicide and allow us to understand the role of religion and spirituality in shaping their responses to such news.
Several motifs were identified and grouped into the four categories mentioned earlier. The first category revolves around prayer. The news of death, particularly by suicide, often prompts individuals to turn toward the transcendent. It inspires some people to pray or communicate with God. Many of the comments take the form of prayers or requests. People pray to God for the departed soul's repose and divine mercy upon the victim. However, prayers are more commonly offered for the family members who are left behind and have to cope with the loss (Jordan, 2001). The second category reflects on the role of God in tragedy. Most commenters express the belief that it is God who holds power over life and death. They recognize that God not only grants life (Genesis 2:7) but is also the source of peace and joy in the face of challenges (2 Corinthians 1:3). They firmly believe that God is the ultimate solution to combating depression.
There were testimonies shared about how God's grace manifested in moments of depression, weakness, and loneliness. The knowledge of divine capacity to bring relief and strength during challenging times serves as an encouragement for individuals not to consider suicide as a solution to their difficulties. Some commenters also offered words of encouragement by emphasizing that God has a purpose for each life. This kind of support aims to empower those who may be anxious about their situation and help them see their struggles within the broader context of life. There is a prevailing mentality where people believe that God is in control of everything, and this sense of reliance on God provides them with a sense of relief.
The third category focuses directly on the victims of suicide. The religious beliefs of many commenters influence their perspectives on individuals who die by suicide. In their religious teachings, life is regarded as a gift from God. Consequently, suicide is seen as a sinful and offensive act against God, deserving condemnation and punishment in hell (Potter, 2021). This approach often places the commenters in a position of presumed authority to pass judgment without considering the person's struggles and the need for preventive measures in the face of future occurrences. These situations often involve psychological and socioeconomic factors.
Neglecting the complexities of these factors contribute to a judgmental perception of suicide. Many commenters deemed suicides resulting from broken relationships as ridiculous and foolish. It is important to remember that we cannot judge or condemn suicide deaths, whether directed toward the victims or their survivors, as we cannot fully comprehend the turmoil and circumstances that led someone to take their own life. Only God can truly understand the sufferings endured by the individual (Suicide Prevention Resource Center, 2009). The fact remains that a life has been lost.
The fourth and final category explores non-natural causal factors. This reflects the broader African religious worldview that encompasses the interplay between the physical and the spiritual or supernatural realm (Le Rossignol et al., 2022). Based on this worldview, some comments absolve suicide victims of personal responsibility, attributing their actions to external influences beyond their control. However, others attribute suicide to the rise of atheism, where people have abandoned the belief in the supernatural and divine beings (Table 3).
According to certain perspectives, religious institutions may share blame due to the promotion of a prosperity mindset (Barga, 2018), which can contribute to suicidal thoughts. In the view of these commenters, the prosperity gospel, with its focus on Christians achieving good health and wealth (Kitsiiri, 2019; Smith, 2021), combined with the flaunting of material possessions by some Christian leaders on social media, creates a sense of failure and depression among those who feel they have not achieved similar success (Bishau, 2013). As a result, some comments call for churches to reform their teachings, expressing concern that the pursuit of material wealth has overshadowed religious care. It is important to note, however, that this atmosphere of pressure stems from a misinterpretation of the prosperity gospel. Additionally, the reaction of institutions, such as the church and reporting bodies, following a suicide is crucial in assessing the relationship that they had with the victim during their lifetime.
Meaning-Making and Suicide
To provide the context for our discussion on the relationship between religion and suicide, it is important to understand the desire for a good life, which shapes the process of finding meaning for many Nigerians. Meaning-making is a fundamental process and aspect of human experiences (Park, 2010), and Nigerians also derive meaning based on their own experiences. To focus our discussion, we will examine the perception of the good life among a representative sample of Lagosians in Nigeria. Because how they pursue or attain the “good life” is an example that captures the meaning-making process.
The concept of the "good life" is closely related to notions of "quality of life" and "wellbeing." It can also be explored through related terms such as "happiness," "human flourishing," "welfare," and even "health" (Deaton, 2008; Skidelsky & Skidelsky, 2012). Skidelsky and Skidelsky (2012, p. 145) describe the "good life" as "a life that is desirable or worthy of desire." In Lagos, as in other parts of Nigeria, the pursuit of the good life is commonly referred to as "hustling" to attain "the beta life."
The "good life" is synonymous with the "beta life" but slightly different from the "better life." The phrase "beta life" is commonly used in Nigerian Pidgin English. It directly refers to social welfare and living conditions that constitute a good life, rather than emphasizing rights per se. The concept of the "beta life" (which can also be understood as a life better than the current status quo) is an emic term used by Lagosians to describe a good life and an aspiration for basic livelihood.
However, determining what constitutes the "beta life" is subjective. It is challenging to define because there are numerous standards of living and varying perceptions of what basic livelihood entails. It depends on individuals' outlook on life and the choices they make. Moreover, social media now heavily influences the concept of the "beta life," making it difficult, if not impossible, to attain. Young people see the ostentatious displays of wealth on social media, which intensifies the bitterness of not having a "beta life."
The aspirations for the "beta life" among Lagosians are reflected in their life experiences. Their reflections mirror the pursuit of improved living conditions, which can be explained from two perspectives: foundational components and the capacity to access or afford the "beta life." For most Lagosians, leading a good life means achieving success, although the definition of success varies depending on individual values and priorities (Fischer, 2014). These values include education, good health, happiness/peace of mind, lifestyle, shelter, and upbringing (Nwafor & Pype, 2022). Despite desiring these foundational components of a good life and having the capacity to aspire for them (Appadurai, 2004), it is evident that the necessary social resources to achieve this desired good life are lacking.
These components of “good life” have been challenged by various factors. One significant obstacle is the unfavorable government policies and security situations in the country, which adversely affect the economy and bring hardship to the people. Another obstacle to attaining a "beta life" is external pressure, such as the culture of materialism, family expectations, and peer pressure. These pressures often lead to frustration (Nwafor & Pype, 2022), and in extreme cases, individuals may develop suicidal behaviors or attempt suicide.
There is a correlation between suicide ideation and suicide attempts. Suicide ideation refers to thoughts of self-inflicted harm leading to the cessation of one's life (Esfahani et al., 2015), while a suicide attempt is the actual carrying out of such thoughts without success (Danuta, 2016) or a failed suicide attempt (O’Connor & Pirkis, 2016). It is evident that the process leading to completed suicide begins with ideation. Therefore, there is a connection between suicide ideation and suicide attempts within the overall process of suicide. This implies that a suicide attempt is preceded by a prior disposition characterized by thoughts of ending one's life (i.e., suicide ideation). In most cases of suicide, there is a premeditative process that culminates in the realization of suicidal thoughts.
Existential Frustration and Vacuum
Discovering the meaning of life is essential for healing and serves as a fundamental motivation for human nature to navigate questions and situations in life (Kalashnikova et al., 2022). However, the pursuit of answers to these questions can sometimes lead to what Viktor Frankl once described as "existential frustration" (Frankl, 1992). This existential frustration emerges from an ongoing search for the meaning of life that can result in burnout. Additionally, Frankl introduced the concept of the existential vacuum, which represents an inner emptiness, a profound void, and a feeling of worthlessness that manifests as boredom (Frankl, 1992). This vacuum creates frustration and leaves individuals vulnerable, pushing them toward risky behaviors. In the state of existential vacuum, individuals lack the will to find meaning and may attempt to compensate for their frustration through the pursuit of immediate gratification and power, such as the accumulation of wealth.
It is important to recognize that the existential crisis and challenges encountered in daily life should not be viewed as mental disorders. Religion, through pastoral care, assumes the responsibility of providing support by fostering a sense of belonging within a community, instilling hope, and offering teachings that serve as a moral compass to fill the existential vacuum (Durkheim, 1995). These efforts assist individuals in discovering the meaning of life and alleviate the consequences, such as depression and suicide ideation, that arise from the existential vacuum and frustration.
The Influence of Religion on Meaning-Making
Religion and spirituality have been recognized for their role in promoting healthy living and offering ways to cope with human suffering. According to a report from the Suicide Prevention Resource Center (2009), religion provides hope, helps individuals find purpose and meaning in life, and fosters an appreciation for life. These aspects have been referred to as the "utilitarian side of religiosity" (Van Praag, 2021), as religion is concerned with the overall well-being of its members. It emphasizes a collaborative mindset where individuals understand that they are actively engaged in a cooperative relationship with God to solve problems (Goldston et al., 2008). This collaborative religious coping style, encouraged in pastoral care, helps individuals feel supported in the problem-solving process and develops faith in God during challenging times.
To further explore the roles of religion, we will briefly examine three dimensions in which religion serves as a protective factor against suicide. Despite research indicating that religion can also be a risk factor (Lawrence et al., 2016), the focus here aligns with studies (Akanni & Oduaran, 2019; Fasogbon et al., 2019; Gearing & Lizardi, 2008; Rieger et al., 2015) supporting its protective nature, particularly in the social, moral, and future-oriented dimensions.
The social dimension of religion involves providing a sense of belonging within a community. Religion creates a space where individuals can belong to a social group (Gearing & Alonzo, 2018). It is crucial to recognize that the church, despite having social and economic aspects, is primarily a religious institution. The relationships formed within the religious community give meaning to individuals' lives. This social aspect of religion plays a vital role in nurturing God's people through guided pastoral care, support, reconciliation, and healing within communities.
The moral dimension of religion views suicide as a morally wrong act. This perspective is shared among the three most popular religions in Nigeria (Nigerian Indigenous Religions, Christianity, and Islam). It is based on the belief that life is a gift that should not be prematurely ended (Ex 20:13; Andy-Philip & Alamu, 2020; Liégeois & Eneman, 2012). Suicide is seen as a rejection of the gift of life and is generally prohibited by most religions.
Nevertheless, religion also demonstrates compassion for individuals who are suicidal. In pastoral care, religion reaches out to those exhibiting suicidal behaviors, prays for those who have completed suicide, and provides care for the bereaved family members. The third protective dimension is that religion serves as a source of hope (Lehmann, 2012; Osafo et al., 2021; Wnuk, 2015). Religion offers a perspective that points individuals toward the future, encouraging and supporting their aspirations, and exploring multiple options in various situations or events.
Although Nigeria is officially a secular state, it is a deeply religious nation. As mentioned earlier, two major foreign religions (Christianity and Islam) and various indigenous religions exist. Nigerians align themselves with and adhere to the principles of these religions, sharing in the spirituality of their respective religious groups. They form faith communities that foster bonding and establish relationships.
The community aspect of religion has often provided solace and opportunities for members to seek help during the tribulations of life. Nigerians commonly seek assistance from members of their faith communities, particularly their religious leaders. This inclination stems from the belief that religious institutions hold solutions to their problems and the trust in divine intervention that religion guarantees. The community dimension of religion forms the backdrop for the other two dimensions to develop and be sustained. Nigerians listen to their religious leaders, who serve as custodians of the inherent teachings of their faith, including the sanctity and gratuitousness of life, as well as the encouragement to maintain faith and foster hope in the fulfillment of divine promises in individual lives.
The community dimension encourages the participation of young people in religious activities (Akanni & Oduaran, 2019). These activities create an atmosphere that allows them to approach pastors or pastoral caregivers to address issues beyond religious discussions. This environment, which aims to be non-judgmental, helps disturbed youth realize that the world offers opportunities despite its challenges. By finding something to hold onto, new hope is ignited, and the strength to carry on is rekindled.
Given these realities, religion, through pastoral care, continues to provide support to its members. Pastoral caregivers play a crucial role in equipping faith community members to confront challenges that could potentially lead to suicide, although they may sometimes fall short in identifying suicidal behaviors and making appropriate referrals (Goldston et al., 2008). Pastoral care draws the attention of young people to the consequences of suicide for others, emphasizing that the death of an individual by suicide inflicts pain, guilt, and stigma on the living (Austin, 2017). Awareness of these repercussions can act as a deterrent. Overall, pastoral caregivers play a vital role in advocating for suicide reduction by fostering a non-judgmental climate, providing sermons on suicide prevention education, teaching the sanctity of life, and pointing to reasons for hope.
Pastrotherapy Footnote 1
In our efforts to improve pastoral care for young people at risk of suicide, we have introduced the innovative concept of 'pastrotherapy' (Nwafor & Vandenhoeck, 2021). Pastrotherapy is a unique form of pastoral care known as 'participant-accompanied pastoral care'. This approach is characterized by the chaplain's empathic accompaniment of young people in their daily challenges. It seamlessly integrates elements of pastoral counselling and pastoral therapy (Meyer, 2020). The term 'therapy' is deliberately used to reflect the long-term nature of pastrotherapy, as it is designed to provide ongoing support, as opposed to ‘counselling’, which typically implies short-term interventions.
Pastrotherapy involves a comprehensive process of guiding young people on their journey from self-discovery to self-realization. It harnesses the depth and breadth of long-term therapy, while incorporating the efficiency associated with short-term counselling. A key element of this approach is the practical application of 'reframing' (Capps, 1993), which is proving to be highly effective and resulting in tangible personal growth for those in care. The pastoral caregiver assists the care receiver by changing the frame of their perception of a given situation or event. This creates an alternative option and therefore new ways of responding to the challenge.
This pioneering approach, Pastrotherapy, is specifically designed as a novel strategy for suicide prevention with a focus on the unique context of Nigeria and pastoral care of young people. Pastrotherapy is fundamentally person-centered and goes beyond scheduled counselling sessions. It involves the ongoing involvement and active engagement of pastoral care workers in the daily lives of those they serve. The approach emphasizes the importance of establishing a deep and meaningful relationship and advocates the ongoing presence of the pastoral caregiver as the young people deal with their specific challenges.
Ultimately, pastoral therapy embodies a compassionate approach that combines ongoing pastoral support with the systematic development of skills aimed at enhancing the well-being of those being cared for. It provides opportunities for individuals to find or cultivate a sense of belonging within a community that values certain principles and looks forward to a better future.
Factors Limiting Pastoral Care Interventions for Suicide Prevention
In Nigeria, pastoral caregivers are often expected to provide various forms of care, even beyond their professional training. There is a lack of specialization in pastoral care, with pastors and religious leaders assuming the role of professional pastoral caregivers. This perception creates an environment where pastors are viewed as "diviners" who rely on scriptures for guidance (Louw, 2011).
However, pastors and religious leaders face challenges due to their limited training in professional pastoral caregiving. They may lack sufficient response techniques and answers to address the diverse needs of care recipients. Additionally, the influence of Western cultures on Nigeria and other African countries plays a role (Daramola, 2015). Care recipients often expect pastoral caregivers to fulfill both the role of a diviner (reflecting the African worldview) and that of a Western clinician (representing the scientific worldview). These worldviews are not necessarily conflicting but serve as illustrations of the common expectations placed on pastoral caregivers in African countries like Nigeria.
Another limitation lies in managing the power asymmetry between the pastoral caregiver and the care recipient. Care recipients may perceive the caregiver as someone who merely dispenses instructions during pastoral counselling (Daramola, 2015). However, caution has been advised to avoid imposing the caregiver's own worldviews on the care recipient, as emphasized by Woldemichael et al. (2013, p. 4). The goal should be to help the care recipient gain a deeper understanding and consider alternative perspectives or reframing of their situation (Capps, 1993).
Limitation and Conclusion
Our extensive research into the complex relationship between religion and suicide in Nigeria, particularly among the country's young people, has revealed a pressing and complex issue. Nigeria's deeply religious landscape provides the backdrop for a significant societal challenge: as young people face life's challenges and strive to make sense of their experiences, they can often be overwhelmed, leading to choices that jeopardize their well-being, including the tragic resort to suicide.
This research began by examining perceptions of suicide in Nigeria, mindful of the powerful influences of religion, mental health, and the ubiquitous presence of social media. Particularly, social media reactions to suicide cases not only reflect societal perceptions but can also either reinforce the protective factors associated with religion or exacerbate the vulnerability of young people at risk. Further research is undoubtedly needed to explore this critical issue.
In addition, our study explored the protective role of religion in relation to suicide through dimensions such as social support, moral values, and the infusion of hope. We advocate a specific approach called “pastrotherapy”, which emphasizes the need for well-trained pastors and chaplains to provide tailored support to vulnerable young people. Through this approach, religion can contribute significantly to the healing process of psychosocial crises and dysfunction among young people, ultimately acting as a preventive measure against suicide. Although this approach has not been sufficiently discussed in this paper, as it is only a recommendation here, further research will outline a detailed application of it.
This study underscores the need for an in-depth understanding of the relationship between religion, suicide and the search for meaning among Nigerian youth. By unravelling the various perceptions, influences and protective factors associated with religion, we can take proactive steps to provide effective pastoral care and support to those in vulnerable situations. In doing so, we can significantly reduce the incidence of suicide while addressing the complex psychosocial challenges faced by young people in their search for meaning and purpose in life.
In conclusion, this research has provided insights into the intricate interplay between religious beliefs and practices, the search for meaning and mental health and has highlighted the vital role of religion in supporting Nigerian youth as they face existential challenges. It is our sincere hope that the findings presented in this study will contribute to a more informed and compassionate approach to suicide prevention and the cultivation of a sense of purpose among the nation's young population, ultimately fostering a safer and more supportive environment for all.
Notes
The term ‘pastro’ is a derivative of the Latin word ‘pastor’ meaning ‘shepherd’ or ‘shepherding’ involving protecting, advocating, caring for, or curing something or someone vulnerable or in need. As noted by Carey et al. (2024), the classic model of the ‘pastor’/‘pastoral care’ is fundamentally holistic and involves the (physical) healing, sustaining and support of individuals or communities, as well as providing (psychological) counsel and guidance, and the (social and spiritual) reconciling of people with one another and with the divine or sacred (Clebsch & Jaekle, 1964). Thus ‘pastrotherapy’, involving a chaplain, pastor, priest or pastoral caregiver, is not just about spiritual or religious concerns but rather utilizes an inclusive holistic bio-psycho-social-spiritual and ongoing participant-accompanied pastoral care approach when caring for people.
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All authors contributed to the study’s conception and design. Material preparation, data collection, and analysis were performed by Collins Ikeokwu Nwafor and Anne Vandenhoeck. The first draft of the manuscript was written by Collins Ikeokwu Nwafor and proofread by Anne Vandenhoeck. All authors commented on previous versions of the manuscript. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.
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Nwafor, C.I., Vandenhoeck, A. Exploring Religion as a Path to Meaning: The Role of “Pastrotherapy” in Supporting Young People's Quest for a Good Life in Nigeria. J Relig Health 63, 1967–1984 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10943-023-01979-1
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10943-023-01979-1