Introduction

Until recently, most vulture species were common and widespread, well adapted to anthropogenic ecosystems and benefiting from human farming practices (Houston 2001; Olea and Mateo-Tomás 2009). However, global declines in vulture populations are now widely reported, most prominently the Asian “vulture crisis” due to a lethally toxic veterinary drug (Prakash et al. 2003; Sekercioglu 2006). Multiple threats to these large raptors include poisoned baits, poaching, the decline of extensive livestock farming, EU laws relating to carcass and animal byproducts disposal, and large scale land use changes such as wind farm development (Green et al. 2004; Donázar et al. 2009; Margalida et al. 2010; Ogada et al. 2012). At the same time their charismatic features, such as their size and fascinating behavior, have led to wide support for projects designed to protect them, e.g., supplementary feeding and captive breeding for population reinforcement and reintroduction, combined with public awareness campaigns that focus mainly on their sanitary services or advertise them as ecotourism attractions (Buijs et al. 2012; Cortés-Avizanda et al. 2016; Sergio et al. 2006).

Coexistence with humans has created an associated cultural history with positive symbolic values, such as sky burials in Tibet (Maming and Xu 2015) or Zoroastrian “towers of silence” in India and Persia (Cocker and Tipling 2013). However, some negative associations are highlighted by terms such as “vulture capitalist,” “leave them to the vultures” or “waiting like vultures,” while “vulture funds” are now circling the carcass of the Greek economy.

In continental Greece the dramatic declines that have led to all vulture species being listed as threatened (Handrinos 2009) as well as the cultural significance of the raptors for rural communities motivated our research. We included the golden eagle in our study because of its close association with vultures in Greek culture. We present the rich cultural significance of vultures and the golden eagle through an examination of language, place names, folklore, and rituals.

Methods

We conducted fieldwork in 1998 and during 2000–2015 in mainland Greece concentrating on the recently extinct bearded vulture (Gypaetus barbatus), the black vulture (Aegypius monachus), still breeding but only in the Dadia-Lefkimi-Soufli Forest National Park (19–28 pairs), the griffon vulture (Gyps fulvus), with five colonies and 30 pairs spread across the mainland, the Egyptian vulture (Neophron percnopterus) whose population is estimated at less than 12 pairs with negative trends, and the golden eagle (Aquila chrysaetus), now listed as endangered (Handrinos 2009; Sidiropoulos et al. 2013; Velevski et al. 2015).

To evaluate the existing literature and gather ethno-ecological data we visited core foraging sites around confirmed breeding locations during the last 30 years where historically all four vulture species and the golden eagle coexisted (Sidiropoulos et al. 2013). These areas are characterized by landscapes sculpted by centuries either of sedentary villagers’ practices or transhumant Vlach and Sarakatsani shepherds, whose large flocks moved seasonally between mountain summer pastures and extensive lowland grasslands (Wace and Thompson 1914). Similar systems elsewhere in the Mediterranean have been described as “heaven for raptors” (Bignal 1991). The Epirus region in NW Greece was chosen as a focal area because it has recently lost all vultures as breeding species and the remaining golden eagle populations are in steep decline.

We collected local bird names from published Greek lists (mainly Apalodimos 1993; Dimitropoulos 1982; Handrinos and Dimitropoulos 1982; Vallianos 1979; Zachariou-Mamaligka 2011), the unpublished Modern Greek Dialect Notes of the Academy of Athens, references in village folklore monographs, other sources (e.g., Sakoulis 2012; The return of the Neophron) and field research (Table 1). The current use of names was verified during interviews with local informants. In total we conducted 156 interviews: Tzena-Pinovo mountains, Central Macedonia (1998 and 2003: 41 interviews); Zagori municipality (2006: 25 interviews) and Ioannina town, Epirus (2012: 15 interviews, 2014: 15 interviews); Kalampaka and Trikala towns, Thessaly (2012: 15 interviews, 2014: 15 interviews); Dadia village and Soufli town, Thrace (2012: 15 interviews, 2014: 15 interviews). Interviews during 1998–2006 in rural areas focused on shepherds and elders as key informants. Interviews during 2012 and 2014 were in urban environments (with the exception of Dadia village) and interviewees included municipality or state employees in forest services, environment, rural development and veterinary departments, education, as well as hunting associations, forest and agricultural cooperatives, ecotourism, and construction.

We conducted archival and field research on bird related place names in two montane national parks in the Epirus region, NW Greece: the North Pindos National Park (hereafter N Pindos NP) and the Tzoumerka-Peristeri Mountain and Arachthos Gorge National Park (hereafter Tzoumerka NP) using local maps, Hellenic Military Geographical Service maps (scale 1:50.000) and commercial topographic maps (e.g., Anavasi editions). We assume raptor place names derive from the historically recent presence of the species and are therefore likely assigned to sites core to their range requirements (e.g., close to nesting areas). Since golden eagles are widespread and maintain mutually exclusive territories (Watson 2010), we tested the regularity of spacing by analyzing the nearest Neighbor Distances (NNDs) between place names with the G-test (GMASD) (Brown 1975; geometric mean of NNDs squared/arithmetic mean of NNDs squared). The G-test range is 0 to 1 and values <0.65 indicate randomness, higher values regularity, which is the typical for eagle populations. We excluded only one place name due to its proximity (>1.200 m.) that may signify alternative sites for the same territory. The only comparable species the place names may refer to, the Bonelli’s eagle (Hieraaetus fasciatus), has never been recorded in high numbers in the two areas and it is unlikely that the term aetòs was frequently assigned to it. Currently, Bonelli’s eagle has a more coastal distribution (Handrinos 2009).

Recordings of local sayings, personal experiences, beliefs and rituals from the twentieth century to present were based mainly on literature and the archives of the folklore departments of the universities of Ioannina and Athens (student manuscripts 1966–1986), the Hellenic Folklore Research Centre of the Academy of Athens, and the Kostas Lazaridis Cultural Foundation, as well as our interviews.

Results

Folk Names

We collected 106 local bird names, which we assigned to one of three categories, as proposed by Goudi (2011): i) descriptive: referring to morphological, physical or behavioral characteristics (e.g., size, color, diet, onomatopoeia etc.); ii) zoomorphic: referring to the generic bird name or comparing it to other animals; and iii) anthropomorphic, i.e., representing birds as persons (real or mythical), or relating them to religion, taboos or rituals (Table 1). In cases where names could be placed in more than one category we used a hierarchical rule such that anthropomorphic outranks descriptive which in turn outranks zoomorphic. For example, the names mávro órnio (black vulture) or Asprogérako (white hawk) are categorized as descriptive, because they contain information about colors, while cuckoos' horse falls in the anthropomorphic category as it is closely related to spring rites of passage (Stara et al. 2014). In ambiguous cases we used a term’s literal meaning, e.g., words that refer to odor are interpreted as synonymous to smelly rather than filthy or dirty.

The majority of bird names collected (~60%) are descriptive (Fig. 1) and refer especially to color, diet and behavior (Table 1). Black and bearded vultures have the fewest folk names while the Egyptian vulture has the most (22), related with its white color, alimentary habits, seasonal migrations, and metaphors of the bird as a cheese maker, probably because of its habit of frequenting places related to dairy production.

Fig. 1
figure 1

Local names of Egyptian, griffon, black and bearded vulture and the golden eagle

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Local names also mirror past abundance and distribution of species. We found that the current shrinking range of the Egyptian vulture in mainland Greece is followed by a decline in the use of its local names, particularly outside rural societies (only four local names were recorded in the interviews of 2014) (Fig. 2).

Fig. 2
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Location of Egyptian vulture local names per geographic region and species distribution according to Greek Red Data Book (2009)

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Place Names

We found an abundance of place names in the N Pindos and Tzoumerka NPs related to former abundance and diversity of raptors: bearded vultures were nesting in both areas until the 1980s, two large griffon vulture colonies persisted until the 1990s, while Egyptian vultures, which were nesting in tens of pairs, stopped breeding in the area in 2012. Nowadays griffons and Egyptian vultures visit the area only during summer and autumn. More vulture-related names are found in Tzoumerka NP, where available habitat and food remain plentiful (Table 2).

The presence of eagle-related place names can be characterized as widespread with a uniform distribution in Tzoumerka NP and the southwest of N Pindos NP. Mean NND for golden eagle place names was 6.12 km (±1.85 km, range 3.82 – 9.61 km, n = 20) and the GMASD statistic was 0.85, indicating a highly regular distribution (Fig. 3). However the golden eagle population has also declined here, with fewer than 3–5 active pairs at each national park. The absence of eagle place names in the area of Vlach communities between the towns of Konitsa and Metsovo, where the species is still present, is related both to less archival material found there and to less intensive fieldwork.

Fig. 3
figure 3

Location of golden eagle and vulture place names in North Pindos and Tzoumerka - Peristeri - Arachthos national parks

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Local Beliefs, Rituals and Magic Ceremonies

In most folk tales, vultures and eagles are represented as shepherds who were transformed to birds, usually in moral, religious or magical contexts. Transformations to vultures are related to curses and punishments, while those to golden eagles represent divine mediation. The golden eagle is regarded as blessed and its most common folk name all over Greece is stavraetós, literally “eagle of the cross.”

Golden eagle names are also used as synonyms for guerilla fighters in the 1821 War of Independence and later WWII partisans (Granitsas 1921). In folk songs dying heroes often call eagles to take their soul to heaven and consume their corpse. On the other hand, vultures are often characterized as ugly birds with a range of negative morphological features and behaviors. Phrases like “you cut your hair like a griffon,” or “she has legs like a griffon’s,” indicate an undesirable physical presence and a negative image; “She is white like an Egyptian vulture,” which denotes beauty, is a notable exception. In everyday language vultures are anthropomorphized as gluttonous, illiterate, dimwitted and gullible, and unsophisticated people, especially those living in isolated mountain areas, are often referred to as “vultures.” Nevertheless vultures are also characterized as harmless and useful birds that assist shepherds in locating lost livestock, contrary to eagles, which are deterred from preying on livestock, often through magical practices.

We also found rites related to the Egyptian vulture as a herald of spring. In Epirus people call Egyptian vultures “cuckoo’s horses” believing that they carry “lazy” cuckoos from Africa on their backs in the spring. The first sight of Egyptian vultures is a good omen regarding good health, success, and productivity in several areas (Table 3).

Discussion

Folk Names

Folk name richness reflects the linguistic diversity of the inhabitants of the Greek mountains, and a bird can have more than one name in one geographical region. Some are foreign, sometimes Hellenized, as a result of historical population movements of different ethnic groups (Campbell 1964; Wace and Thompson 1914). The golden eagle is known throughout the country by its ancient Greek name aetós, and the griffon vulture preserves its ancient name gyps in the current form of gýpas. Both are found in conjunction with many other popular names. On the other hand, the bearded vulture is no longer called Phoene and similarly the names Aegypius and Neophron remain only in scientific species terminology (Thompson 1966).

It is often not possible to create one-to-one correspondence between popular and scientific names (Cotton 1996). Characteristic is the overall confusion between eagles and vultures, both in classical texts and in modern spoken language. Following the rule of similarity, all large raptors can be called aetós (Thompson 1966). Additionally, under the rule of affinity, species are grouped based on communal presence, habitat and behavior (Berlin 1973; Birkhead 2008; Brown 2010; Levi-Strauss 1966). Thus, griffon vultures are considered immature eagles in western Greece, while even the raven, because of its scavenging, is locally called “vulture.” Local names also reveal attitudes towards raptors, e.g. skanítes, meaning filthy, is a negatively charged name that refers to all vultures except the bearded, whereas the name “eagle of the cross” is a euphemism for a harmful bird. Similarly the term “cuckoos’ horse” for the Egyptian vulture is related to the bird’s migratory habit and classifies it locally with emblematic migratory birds, such as cuckoos, swallows and storks, not with scavenger vultures. Its arrival from Africa in the spring, especially on the 25 March War of Independence anniversary and Orthodox Christian day of Mary’s Annunciation, is particularly auspicious (Stara et al. 2014).

Place Names

Place names indicate past species distributions, often of currently endangered species (Evans et al. 2012). Populations of golden eagle that persist in the Pindos massif tend to be regularly distributed in suitably continuous habitats and have exclusive territories that can be held over long periods of time by successive pairs (Watson 2010). We found the average eagle place name NND is below the range of values reported for actual populations (6.5 to 11.5 mean NND in six studies; review in Watson 2010) and NE Greece (9.3 Hallman 1980, cited in Watson 2010; 8.47, Sidiropoulos 2012). The G-test for these studies ranges from 0.60 to 0.89, so the 0.85 found in this reconstructed population is likely for an eagle population occupying continuous montane terrain. Lower NNDs (and therefore higher densities) may be attributable to actual higher densities in the past when high livestock densities provided an ample food supply, and may also reflect ranges abandoned and reoccupied intermittently because of differences in territory quality, past and present eagle abundance over wider regions, human disturbance, or high persecution rates after extensive livestock depredation (Watson et al. 1992). Both national parks in this case would have hosted up to 20 eagle territories in the recent past.

The name of the popular tourist scenic overlook Oxyá in the world famous Vikos gorge (UNESCO geopark 2010) in N Pindos NP is another example of the persistence of place names. The word derives from the ancient Greek adverb oxýs (strong, impetuous, rapid agile) and is one of the local names for the bearded vulture. The last observation of a bearded vulture in the area was in 1988 (Haritakis Papaioannou, personal communication), while the last shepherd who accurately named it as oxyá, died in 2007. Today locals fail to recognize the place name as a reference to the bearded vulture but rather associate it with the homonymous word for beech trees (Fagus spp.) even though they do not grow in Vikos (Stara et al. 2014). Other occurrences of the place name Oxyá, probably also referring to historical bearded vulture nest sites, are widespread in the mainland massif, as well as the homonymous Ionian island, which was home to a well known but recently abandoned griffon vulture colony.

Also in N Pindos NP, the village of Tservári, probably derived from the local name for griffon vultures, tserviá (still in use in areas adjacent to the Kalamas River and Pogoni Province). The last colony of griffon vultures in the area, 5 km to the east of the village, disappeared in the 1990s. However the village was renamed as Elafótopos, literally “land of the red deer,” in 1928 under the Hellenization of ‘foreign’ place names throughout the country. The precipitous landscape is highly unsuitable habitat for red deer and there are no historical records of its presence there. However, red and roe deer have a special place in Greek folklore and are regarded as “noble,” as divine messengers and voluntary sacrifices (Bogkas 1956). Linguists and local scholars support the etymological derivation of the word Tservári from the Aromanian cerbu, itself deriving from the Latin cervus (Oikonomou 1991). When we proposed an alternative explanation of their village’s original name to locals as expected they preferred the red deer as a symbol of their village.

The rarity of place names referencing black vulture is explained by the rarity of the species in Pindos even in the last century (Reiser 1905). Surprisingly, Egyptian vulture place names are also absent, although we interpret this as a consequence of the birds’ habit of nesting close to shepherd’s huts and settlements, areas already with a multitude of other names (Martin 1995).

Local Beliefs, Rituals and Magic Ceremonies

Folklore and beliefs surrounding raptors generally interpret their behavior as stemming from the persistence of a person’s human habits after transformation into a bird. Often transformation into an eagle is the result of divine forgiveness, while, similar to other Balkan traditions, transformation into a griffon is a punishment (Sušić and Grubac 2002). Moreover, folk traditions do not credit ‘filthy’ vultures with eating human flesh, but rather ‘powerful’ eagles, possibly reflecting ancient beliefs that eagles carry the souls of dead heroes to heaven (Cocker and Tipling 2013; Thompson 1966; Watson 2010). The eagle's most common conceptualization is as a symbol of strength, power and authority of gods, kings and emperors and the emblem of Zeus, father of gods in the Greek pantheon (Collar et al. 2007; Houston 2001). In contemporary Greece the eagle represents modern heroes, handsome, clever, dashing, gallant and free men, or even the bridegroom in wedding songs. Historically, the eagle was considered a symbol of kléphtes (brigands) in the national myth of heroic struggles for Greek independence. Brigands, like eagles, lived in inhospitable, dangerous mountains isolated from society and were familiar with violence. This idealized national character, again invoked during World War II, is identified with nomadic or semi-nomadic pastoral groups who lived in the Balkans and valued their independence from local or national government (Damianakos 1987).

The eagle is also used by the Greek Orthodox Church as a symbol of grandeur and spirituality. The image of an eagle holding a snake in its talons representing the eternal struggle of good and evil is common on wood-carved altar screens throughout Greece (Cooper 1979).

Contrary to these majestic images, vultures are often characterized as ugly birds - áschemos in Greek (literally “with no shape”). Steward (1991) points out that the term refers to that which is dangerous, unclean, abnormal and insulting to moral order. The griffon is often depicted as gluttonous (particularly in contrast to fasting as a sign of religious purity), scavenging and dirty (Levi-Strauss 1966; Mundy et al. 1992).

Vulture parts are often sold in traditional medicine markets even today (Ogada et al. 2015) as they are thought to transmit the birds’ acute vision and immune defenses, as well as facilitating communication with ancestors (Houston 2001; Mundy et al. 1992; Pollard 1977; Sánchez-Pedraza et al. 2012; Thompson 1966). In Christian Greece, however, the association of death with evil and many Biblical stories that associate vultures with wars and catastrophes (e.g., Ps 79, Ode 2:24, Gn 40:19) have led to the perception of vultures as ill-fated and evil creatures (Chatzimihali 1957). Thus, contrary to cosmologies where vultures ferry souls to the afterlife, the exposure of a corpse is considered a sin threatening both the soul of the deceased and the living, to whom the vengeful spirit is a potential danger (Houston 2001; Mundy et al. 1992; Schüz and König 1983) (Table 3).

In stark contrast, the migratory Egyptian Vulture is associated with the arrival of spring, a time of year for important rites of passage in rural communities. The local name of cuckoos' horse reflects role of the horse as a magical mediator (Cooper 1979; Goudi 2011). In Greek popular culture the holy days of the knight saints George and Demetrius, April 23 and October 26 respectively, mark the agreement and completion of agricultural contracts and flock movements to and from summer pastures.

As birds of powerful symbolism, both eagles and vultures are often used to construct magical and ritual objects (Houston 2001; Mundy et al. 1992; Watson 2010). Eagle feathers are used on scarecrows, adorn headdresses for ceremonial dances, while flutes made of eagle or vulture bones are widespread (Mundy et al. 1992; Porter and Suleiman 2012; Schüz and König 1983). Flutes are identified with pastoral life in Greece, and those made from eagle and vulture bones are also talismans and status symbols. However, a cleansing ritual was necessary to allow the safe use of an object created from such powerful, and in the case of vultures, filthy creatures. As described by Chatzimihali (1957), the bone is placed inside a church in the sanctuary, or even under the altar, for 40 masses. It is then perforated with a nail or spike, rubbed and boiled with ashes to smooth and whiten it, and decorated, usually with linear carving (Fig. 4). A few of our older informants in Zagori possess such flutes as family heirlooms, but none remembered the ritual.

Fig. 4
figure 4

A raptor ulna flute in the Museum of Greek Folk Musical Instruments, Athens (right). “Dangerous vultures” are illustrated in the widespread popular image of the “good shepherd” (left)

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Conclusions

The recent global “vulture crisis,” notably among old world vultures in India but also in Africa (Ogada et al. 2015), the extinction and reintroduction of wild condors in North America, and the dramatic decline of all vulture species in the Balkans all highlight the need for immediate conservation measures worldwide. However, while threats look similar everywhere, conservation efforts should be locally tested and accepted. Unfortunately, there are examples of conservation programs that sideline community involvement, leading community members to feel they are subject to imposed “scientific hegemonic naturalism” (Buller 2004; Haen et al. 2014). Conservationists base their arguments mainly on the provision of ecosystem services (Mundy et al. 1992) while the lack of connection between wildlife and people is progressively increasing in western societies (Cortés-Avizanda et al. 2016; Margalida et al. 2014). At the same time the socio-economic collapse of many rural communities and subsequent dramatic changes in agricultural practices have directly impacted vulture habitats. In Greece, easy access to pesticides and an inadequate system of compensation for livestock damages caused by wild predators encourages the rampant illegal use of poison baits.

The, often overlooked, cultural heritage of vultures should be incorporated not only into public awareness campaigns, but also into species conservation action plans. Participatory conservation policies based on familiar cultural values and expanded to modern bio-cultural significance of species may be far more successful than international laws and directives aimed at protecting threatened species. Therefore we believe that intangible values provided by ethno-ornithological data could inspire modern conservation biology and motivate local communities to re-evaluate the preservation of their biodiversity alongside their local cultural heritage, creating a common ground where local communities and conservation scientists could develop participatory approaches for more successful conservation strategies.