1 Introduction

Post-conflict countries (PCC) are those who have suffered an armed conflict and that have entered a process that involves the achievement of peace milestones far beyond the ceasefire (Brown et al. 2012; Ugarriza 2013). Peace milestones in PCC include cessation of hostilities and violence; signing of political/peace agreements; demobilization, disarmament, and reintegration; refugee repatriation; establishing a functioning state; achieving reconciliation and societal integration and economic recovery (Brown and Langer 2012, 13). The achievement of such peace milestones brings benefits to the population, institutions, the formal economy, and territory (cf. Guerra and Plata 2005; Quaynor 2012; Appel and Loyle 2012). However, a post-conflict scenario may also involve negative environmental impacts in rural areas, because States often rely on the use of natural resources for peace building (Evans 2004; Lujala and Rustad 2012).

The negative environmental impacts in PCC have been widely documented (UNEP 2000, 2007a, b, 2011; Rustad and Binningsbo 2012). In PCC, natural resource management differs during peacetime. During post-conflict process, the State’s priorities focus on socioeconomic recovery, peacekeeping, and poverty reduction (Niño and Devia 2015), while natural resource management and environmental sustainability objectives are pushed to the foreground (Bruch et al. 2009; Beevers 2012). Moreover, PCC tends to face social capital degradation, poverty, and low levels of governance (Ansoms and McKay 2010; Dulal et al. 2011; Rondinelli 2008), which also threatens environmental sustainability. In some PCC, ecosystems’ conservation has been affected by the expansion of agricultural production and forest exploitation in natural protected areas (Ijang and Cleto 2013), while soils overexploitation for agricultural production has led to loss of soil fertility, soil erosion, and deforestation (Katunga and Muhigwa 2014).

After more than five decades of armed conflict, the Colombian government has signed a peace agreement with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC: Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia). Colombia is one of the most megadiverse countries in the world, and it currently faces environmental problems that compromise rural environmental sustainability. These problems include (1) extensive cattle farming which has been contributing to land degradation, deforestation, and greenhouse gas emissions; (2) the environmental impacts of poorly regulated extractive industries; (3) climate change vulnerability; (4) poor environmental integration to the national policy framework; and (5) wide disparities in income, landholdings, and access to ecosystem services (OCDE 2014; Suarez and Calderon 2015). This context will pose several challenges to the achievement of environmental sustainability in rural Colombia in a post-conflict scenario.

There are many examples of countries which have shown varying dynamics of environmental transformation in post-conflict scenarios (Evans 2004; Lujala and Rustad 2012). Tracing the diverse drivers of environmental change and their impacts, could provide some insights of the environmental challenges that PCC countries such as Colombia may face.

In this context, this article aims to analyze the dynamics of environmental sustainability in PCC, with the aim to provide insights for the current discussion on environmental sustainability of rural areas in a post-conflict Colombia. The specific objectives are to: (1) identify environmental impacts associated with periods of conflict and post-conflict; (2) identify drivers of environmental change in post-conflict scenarios; and (3) analyze the relationship between natural resource extraction and post-conflict scenarios.

2 Colombia: an armed conflict in a megadiverse territory

Colombia’s rural population has historically endured many events that have affected their well-being. The armed conflict, drug trafficking, landmines, and disputes over control of the territory, have affected the livelihoods and well-being of the rural population (Boron et al. 2016). Colombian rural population has endured armed confrontations, massacres, and forced displacements (Ibáñez and Vélez 2008). About 6 million hectares of land was abandoned because of conflict. In this period, the displaced population reached 3.6 million people, 60% of which were rural population (UNDP 2011). Colombia is among the top countries with the highest number of displaced population (UNDP 2011).

The armed conflict has brought challenges for environmental sustainability in Colombia. For over more than five decades, the armed confrontation has intensively developed in a context of high biodiversity and natural resources (Hanson et al. 2009; Boron et al. 2016). Colombia has 20.1% (23 million ha) of its territory under the figure of natural protected areas (PNN 2016) and is considered a megadiverse country that hosts an important part of global biodiversity (Arbeláez-Cortés 2013). Colombian armed conflict and drug trafficking have put at risk two of the most biodiverse ecosystems worldwide: the Amazon Rainforest and the Choco region (Rincón-Ruiz et al. 2016; Hanson et al. 2009). The Sierra Nevada de Santa Martha, recognized as the world’s most irreplaceable nature reserve (Le Saout et al. 2013), has been considerably affected by illicit crops and the armed conflict (Fjeldså et al. 2005).

The Colombian armed conflict has generated positive and negative environmental impacts. Positive impacts are associated with ecosystem conservation due to conflict restrictions (e.g., landmines or prohibitions regarding land access) that have excluded some areas for productive development (Dávalos 2001; Álvarez 2003). However, some authors argue that the negative environmental impacts of the conflict are widespread because coca crops (Erytrhoxylum coca) and illegal mining have generated deforestation and land transformation in areas such as the northern Andes and the southern Chocó (Álvarez 2003; Dávalos et al. 2011; ILPI 2014). It is estimated that a coca hectare requires the deforestation of one or two hectares (Rincón-Ruiz and Kallis 2013; Transnational Institute 2004). Moreover, environmental impacts have also been induced by the Colombian and US government’s efforts to reduce illegal coca plantations. Aerial fumigation with glyphosate—a broad-spectrum systemic herbicide and crop desiccant—has impulsed natural forest deforestation and the expansion of illicit crops in the Caribbean and Pacific region (Rincón-Ruiz and Kallis 2013). Aerial fumigation with glyphosate has also caused soil fertility loss, water pollution, and human health diseases.

3 Methods

Seven countries were selected to analyze environmental sustainability within post-conflict scenarios: Angola, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Burundi, El Salvador, Liberia, Rwanda, and Sierra Leone. The countries were selected on the basis of the following three criteria: (1) A peace agreement has been reached; (2) the armed confrontations have ceased; and (3) information related to environmental impacts during conflict and post-conflict periods was available.Footnote 1 PCC countries were selected using the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (2015), which identifies the configuration of international armed conflicts, its scale, and current status. We reviewed literature in Google Scholar, Web of Science, and SCOPUS. We constructed matrixes in which for each country we register the reported literature on environmental impacts during conflict and post-conflict scenarios (objective 1) and the main drivers of change during the post-conflict scenario (objective 2).

The relationship between natural resource extraction and post-conflict scenarios (objective 3) was analyzed through material flow accounting, which quantifies the use of natural resources by modern societies (Behrens et al. 2007). This approach has been known as industrial metabolism (Ayres 1994) or social metabolism (Fischer-Kowalski and Amann 2001). We use data provided by the Global Material Flows Database (WU 2014) regarding the total domestic extraction of materials between 1980 and 2013 for the PPC and for Colombia. Total domestic extraction includes: (1) fossil fuels (e.g., coal, oil, gas, and peat); (2) biomass (e.g., agriculture, forestry, and fisheries); (3) industrial and construction minerals; and iv) ores. Total domestic extraction included: (a) the used domestic extraction, which consists of materials that acquires value within the economic system (i.e., are consumed or processed) and (2) the unused domestic extraction which refers to materials that are not used by the economic system (e.g., waste of mining or biomass extraction). We compared the median growth rates of total domestic extraction for the periods before and after the peace agreement in PCC countries. The nonparametric Mann–Whitney U test was used to determine whether there were significant differences between these two medians.

4 Results

The analyzed PCC countries are located in the regions of Latin America (El Salvador), Africa (Angola, Burundi, Liberia, Rwanda, and Sierra Leone), and Europe (Bosnia and Herzegovina). The causes of these conflicts are diverse and include political, social, economic, ethnic, and religious causes. Table 1 presents a summary of the conflicts in the PCC countries and the years when peace agreement was reached. The economic, social, and environmental characteristics of PCC and Colombia are diverse (Table 2).

Table 1 Characteristics of the conflicts in the analyzed countries.
Table 2 Characteristics of selected post-conflict countries.

4.1 Environmental impacts in conflict and post-conflict periods

Deforestation was a frequent negative environmental impact during the armed conflicts (i.e., Bosnia and Herzegovina, Burundi, El Salvador, Liberia, Rwanda, and Sierra Leone). For instance, in Liberia between 1990 and 2000, deforestation was up to 76,000 hectares/year (FAO 2005). Land use conflicts were also evidenced in Angola, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and El Salvador. Biodiversity loss and water resource affectation were also negative impacts of armed conflicts. In Sierra Leone for example, the Heritiera utilis tree was extinguished from the West Africa forest reserve and African elephants (Loxodonta cyclotis) declined in the Gola Forest during conflict (Lebbie 2002; Lindsell et al. 2011). Some positive environmental impacts were evidenced during armed conflicts such as forest cover growth in Angola, El Salvador, Sierra Leone, mainly due to land access restrictions (Table 3).

Table 3 Environmental impact during conflict period

Deforestation processes in armed conflict were an outcome of two main causes. The first one was related to pressure exerted by refugees, displaced people, and massive migrations of people who had previously been scattered across the landscape (Ordway 2015; US Forest Service 2006; REMA 2009). The second one was that forest resources became a readily source of income to fuel warfare (Global Witness 2013; McCandless and Christie 2006). Other environmental impacts were the abandonment of land and land tenure conflicts due to displacement processes (Cain 2013) and land degradation due to landmines (REC 2000).

In the post-conflict scenario, the most frequent environmental impact was deforestation which was evidenced in 5 of the 6 analyzed countries (Table 4). However, a marginal forest growth was evidenced in El Salvador. In Angola, forest area decrease has been reported (Schneibel et al. 2016), while in Rwanda the forest cover loss is up to 64% (REMA 2009). In Sierra Leone, there has also been forest cover loss during the post-conflict scenario (Tänzler 2013). In El Salvador, a significant impact was the expansion of agricultural production in areas with unfit and poor-quality soil (i.e., Salvador). Water resources were also affected in Rwanda and Sierra Leone.

Table 4 Environmental impacts in post-conflict scenario

4.2 Drivers of environmental change in post-conflict countries

The drivers of environmental change in PCC are presented in Table 5. A common driver was ‘ineffective land use planning’ (4 countries), which affected land distribution and access and generated pressure over ecosystems (Maconachie 2008; UNEP 2011). Another important driver was the ‘return of displaced population’ through refugee camp installations (UNEP 2011) and the return of farming communities (Leite 2015), which exert pressure on local governments to make fast decisions (cf. Cain 2013). ‘Demand for land for agricultural production’ generated pressures over land and forests. The ‘dependence on the primary sector’ through the promotion of forest industries, charcoal production, and mining was also a driver of environmental change (REMA 2009; Forest Industries 2011; Brown et al. 2012). In turn, ‘unsustainable agricultural practices’ were related to soil and forest overexploitation (Cain 2013; Brown et al. 2012). In the analyzed countries, the environmental dimension was not integrated (or only tangentially) to the peace agreements.

Table 5 Environmental drivers of change in PCC

4.3 Dynamics of natural resource extraction in post-conflict countries

Economic dependence on the primary sector was identified as a source of environmental impacts in PCC. Table 6 shows the growth rate median of the total domestic extraction of materials (ton/km2) for the analyzed PCC. The growth rate medians report the period before and after the peace agreements using data from 1980 to 2013. Sierra Leone and Liberia presented significant higher growth rates of the total domestic extraction during the post-conflict scenario than in conflict. Higher growth rates of biomass extraction during post-conflict scenarios were found in Angola, Bosnia, and Sierra Leone. Extraction growth rates of industrial and construction minerals were higher in Burundi and Rwanda during post-conflict times, while the growth rate of ore extraction was higher in Bosnia, Liberia, and Sierra Leone during the post-conflict era.

Table 6 Medians of growth rates of materials extraction (tons/km2) in PPC during prior and post-agreement periods.

5 Discussion

The analyzed PCC differ in the causes of armed conflicts (Table 1) and in their economic, environmental, and social characteristics (Table 2). The socioecological contexts of each country may determine the dynamics of a post-conflict scenario and rural environmental sustainability. Colombia shows the highest population and GDP per capita and the second highest score in the Human Development Index. However, Colombia shows the highest score in inequality of income distribution (GINI Index). In terms of environmental features, Colombia shows the highest proportions of total area in forest coverage and in natural protected areas, but at the same time shows one of the highest rates of natural resources extraction. The differences across PCC and Colombia limit the extrapolation of environmental transformations on the post-conflict Colombia. However, in this section we highlight the more common environmental impacts and drivers of change that were found in PCC, and we particularly discuss them in terms of the Colombian context. This discussion is not intended to prognosticate rural environmental pathways in Colombia; rather, it is aimed to stress the environmental challenges that Colombia may face in a post-conflict scenario.

5.1 Deforestation: a common impact in PCC and a current environmental problem in Colombia

Our results highlight that deforestation was the most common negative impact of both conflict and post-conflict periods (Tables 3, 4). Forest cover loss was reported in conflict and post-conflict periods in Bosnia, Liberia, Rwanda, and Sierra Leone. Currently, deforestation is one of the most important environmental problems of Colombia. The expansion of agricultural frontiers for cattle ranching, illicit crops, domestic, and commercial forest exploitations, has been the biggest drivers of deforestation in Colombia (González et al. 2011; Rincón-Ruiz and Kallis 2013). Illegal mining activities have also prompted deforestation. During 1990 and 2010, the country lost 6 million ha of forest, especially in the Andes, Amazonian, and Caribbean region (DNP 2015).

Furthermore, our results show that in PCC (e.g., Burundi, Rwanda) return of displaced population has been identified as a driver of environmental impacts (Bunte and Monnier 2011; UNEP 2011; Ntampaka 2006). The current Colombian peace agreement proposed the creation of a ‘land fund’ (3 million ha) for a massive formalization of rural property (about 7 million hectares), especially directed to conflict victims. Addressing deforestation in post-conflict Colombia is urgent because deforestation also impacts soil quality, water resources, and the provision of ecosystem services to rural population (DNP 2015). Moreover in Colombia, hot spots of deforestation match with the designed territories for peace building (DNP 2015). The implementation of policies toward the return of displaced population in post-conflict scenarios should be integrated with policies addressing deforestation dynamics. In this direction, the current peace agreement in Colombia includes ecological restoration and economic programs in areas with illicit crops and payment for ecosystem services.

5.2 Land use conflicts in PCC and its current state in Colombia

Land use conflicts have been a recurrent environmental impact in conflict and post-conflict periods. In El Salvador, population growth and density have produced occupation of unfit and poor soil for agricultural production (Corriveau-Bourque 2013). This situation had resulted in land use conflicts, which in 2010 affected 49% of the total area of the country (MAG 2010).

Land use conflicts are a current problem in Colombia (DNP 2015). Colombia has 22 million hectares with suitability for agricultural activities. However, only 5.3% is currently used according to this suitability. Meanwhile, 15.6% of the total area of Colombia (17 million ha) suffer overexploitation, surpassing the natural productive capacity of soil. The agricultural frontier is also expanding, and it has been affecting areas of environmental interest. Data from 2000 to 2009 have shown an increase of agricultural, mining, pastures, and grassland areas, while water bodies and forests have decreased (DNP 2015).

These land use conflicts have contributed to soil quality degradation (i.e., soil erosion, desertification, and salinization). About 28% of Colombian territory has soil quality problems, and 40% of it has some level of erosion (IGAC 2014; DNP 2015). The use of chemicals, deforestation, conventional tillage practices, the use of heavy machinery, and intensive irrigation have also generated soil degradation (Pérez and Pérez 2002; Ortiz et al. 2011; DNP 2015). These anthropic causes are exacerbated due to the fragility of some soils and the effects of climate change and variability (DNP 2015).

The current situation of land use conflicts and soil degradation poses a critical challenge in the Colombian post-conflict context. Peace-building programs will have to face that more than 90% of the prioritized municipalities has land use restrictions (UN and German Cooperation 2015). Although Colombia has a variety of environmental policies which can play an important role for post-conflict scenarios, the biggest challenge the country will face is the joint and coordinated action with other State sectors toward meeting environmental objectives (Feola et al. 2015), particularly in relation to land use management (DNP 2015).

5.3 Ineffective land use planning as driver of change in PCC and a structural problem in Colombia

Ineffective land use planning was a common driver of environmental change in countries such as Angola, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, and El Salvador (Table 5). For instance, in Angola, displaced people were relocated to their original territories without securing their livelihood conditions. This situation caused land use intensification which affected soil fertility (Cain 2013). In Sierra Leone, wetlands were considered as areas for agricultural expansion and thus increased the pressure over these ecosystems (Maconachie 2008). The ineffectiveness of land use planning in Colombia is currently driven by the high informality and insecurity of land tenure (DNP 2015). Moreover, the government’s lack of the ‘vacant land’ inventory has encouraged a pattern of land occupation without regulation and according to its suitability (DNP 2015). Furthermore, rural land use planning is still incipient due to technical and financial restrictions. There is also a convergence of multiple land use instruments which limits continuity and coherence of rural land planning (DNP 2015).

In Colombia, the implementation of the peace agreement intends to address the current limitations of land use planning (MC 2016). Some of the programs included are: massive formalization of land; the creation of a rural cadastre; and the implementation of an agricultural jurisdiction aimed to resolve conflicts of land use and tenure. Furthermore, the government will define general land use guidelines according to land suitability and will develop reconversion programs in land with use conflicts. Environmental land use planning will be developed with the aim of delimiting the agricultural frontier and protecting areas of environmental interest (i.e., Paramus, watersheds, wetlands, and water springs).

5.4 Dependency on the primary sector: a driver of change that is deepened in post-conflict scenarios

Another driver of environmental change in PCC was the economic dependency of the primary sector. This driver was reported in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Burundi, Liberia, and Sierra Leone. For instance, Sierra Leone has more than one hundred mining companies, and 82% of its land is allocated in exploration or exploitation licenses. Moreover, nearly 10% of Sierra Leone’s arable land is under negotiation for agribusiness, mining, and industrial agriculture. In Liberia, extensive commercial logging, energy and mineral sectors, plantations and permanent agriculture, charcoal production, and mineral extraction were the main drivers of forest deforestation and degradation (REFACOF 2014).

In the last decades, Colombia has undergone a strong re-primarization process of the economy, mainly to mining and hydrocarbons (Pérez-Rincón 2016). This re-primarization has generated environmental and social effects that have resulted in socioenvironmental conflicts throughout the country (Pérez-Rincón 2016). Of the 115 recorded socioenvironmental conflicts, 94% of them have affected rural and suburban areas (Pérez-Rincón, 2016). The post-conflict scenario in Colombia envisions new opportunities for economic development in rural areas (García and Slunge 2015), and it is expected that the extractive economy will bring revenues for financing peace-building programs (McNeish 2016). Production of biofuels from palm oil and mining are among the sectors with potential growth. The government policy that promotes oil palm cultivation, maps out 3 million hectares of this crop by 2020 (Castiblanco et al. 2013). Moreover, mining has been declared as a national interest activity for economic and social development and currently represents 8% of national land use (Pérez-Rincón 2016; García and Slunge 2015). Scholars have reported the negative environmental impacts in Colombia of both oil palm cultivations (Marín-Burgos 2014) and mining (Ortiz et al. 2014; CGR 2013; Pérez-Rincón 2016).

Our results suggest that the extraction of natural resources can be intensified during the post-conflict scenario (Table 6): Almost all countries, except El Salvador, showed an increase of the median growth rates of extraction of at least one natural resource sector (i.e., biomass, fossil fuels, industrial, and construction minerals and ores). The re-primarization of the Colombian economy in the last decades and the current plans of expanding oil palm cultivation and mining, suggest the possibility of the intensification of natural resources extraction during the post-conflict Colombia and of its associated socioenvironmental impacts, such as it occurred in PCC.

A future intensification of natural resources extraction in Colombia will contradict peace-agreement intentions on delimiting the expansion of the agricultural frontier. This scenario can imply new sources of conflict between development projects—promoted from the national level—and local communities. Therefore, the most urgent challenge for the post-conflict scenario is the sectorial (e.g., agriculture, mining, trade, and infrastructure) and institutional coordination toward the execution, monitoring, and compliance of environmental policies (see Feola et al. 2015).

6 Conclusions

This study explores the dynamics of environmental sustainability in post-conflict countries, with the aim to provide insights for the current discussion on rural environmental sustainability in a post-conflict Colombia. We found that (1) deforestation and land use conflicts were frequent impacts in both conflict and post-conflict scenarios, that (2) return of displaced population, the ineffectiveness of land use planning, and the dependence on the primary sector were frequent drivers of environmental change; and that (3) natural resources extraction tends to be intensified after the signing of peace agreements. Every armed conflict and post-conflict scenario is the result of particular socioecological dynamics, which limit the extrapolation of such dynamics in a particular context. However, the common environmental dynamics identified in this research provides environmental elements on which to pay attention to if a country will enter into a post-conflict process, such as the Colombian case or other countries that are currently in conflict within biodiversity hot spots (c.f. Hanson et al. 2009) and could enter into peace processes (Syria, Lebanon, Sudan, Nigeria, Congo, Yemen, or Afghanistan).

Currently, Colombia suffers environmental problems such as deforestation and land use and tenure conflicts. And the institutional integration for environmental compliance is weak due to technical, legal, and financial limitations. With this background, the Colombian government projects the expansion of the extractive economy, among others, aimed to finance peace-building programs. On the other hand, the peace agreement includes environmental objectives such as the delimitation of agricultural frontiers and the implementation of participatory land use planning. Such contradictions between development and environmental objectives can jeopardize rural environmental sustainability in the post-conflict Colombia and thus may exacerbate socioenvironmental conflicts. The experience of environmental dynamics in post-conflict scenarios, together with the current Colombian environmental problems, recalls the urgency of strengthening environmental institutions, integrating long-term environmental objectives across all sectors, and deintensifying the dependence of the economy in the extractive sector.

The relationship between the environment and armed conflict has been widely evidenced (Ross 2004; Humphreys 2005; Van der Ploeg 2011). Thus, the environmental sustainability dimension should be integrated into peace agreements and post-conflict policies. Colombia peace agreement provides an outstanding example because it integrated environmental concerns. However, the responsibility of securing environmental sustainability cannot be only placed in the implementation of the peace-agreement policies. The preservation of such unique natural richness (e.g., the Amazon, Andes, and Chocó regions) should be a national consensus and a demand from the international community.