Introduction

Since the 2000s, supranational bodies, policymakers, law enforcement actors and advocacy groups have stressed the role organised crime plays in the illicit trafficking of cultural goods (hereinafter TCG) (see, e.g., UNESCO, 2018; Chechi, 2019; Blake, 2020; Yates, 2021; Interpol, 2021, 2022; Clooney Foundation for Justice, 2022). This viewpoint gained traction in the early to mid-2010s, when global concern was raised due to the connection between the TCG and the financing of terrorist activities in conflict areas of the Middle East (De Bernardin, 2021; FATF, 2015, 2016, 2023; Interpol, 2022; Jones, 2018; Musu, 2023). The alleged connections of terrorist financing with money laundering, sanctions evasion and tax fraud reinforced the characterisation of TCG as a form of organised serious crime (Ulph, 2011; De Sanctis, 2013; Van Duyne et al., 2014; Yates, 2016; Mackenzie, 2020; US Senate, 2020; Baranello, 2021; Yates & Mackenzie, 2021). Other illegal activities usually committed by organised criminals in relation to the TCG mentioned in the academic and grey literature includeFootnote 1 trafficking of drugs, persons, organs, arms, gold, oil or wildlife (Bowman, 2008; Dehouck, 2019), corruption of police or customs agents, civil servants and professional experts (Shelley, 2014; Brodie et al., 2019), and forgery and fraud involving cultural property (Charney, 2015; Europol, 2021).

The EU has fully adopted this perspective on the nature of cultural property crime. Falling under organised property crime as part of EMPACT 2022 – 2025,Footnote 2 TCG is one of the EU’s priorities in the fight against serious and organised crime, to the point that the current EU Action Plan against Trafficking in Cultural Goods was adopted allegedly as part of the EU strategy on organised crime (Commission, 2022a: 1). In spite of this association, some voices warn that there is no inherent relation between organised crime and TCG (Brodie et al., 2019; Howard et al., 2016), while the potential links to other forms of trafficking, corruption, money laundering, terrorism and terrorist financing remain highly contested or understudied (Eber et al., 2022). Many scholars denounce that the emphasis on the organised crime nature of TCG, widespread among supranational bodies and policymakers, is producing misguided legislation, which fails to acknowledge the diversity of trafficking scenarios and configurations (Balcells, 2016), obscuring the complexities of a market which is not completely licit nor illicit (a ‘grey’ market, see Mackenzie & Yates, 2017; Oosterman et al., 2021).

In this debate, there is no overview of the relevant European policy instruments that contain clauses calling on Member States to take organisational and preventive measures or to impose penalties or administrative sanctions on persons responsible for organised crimes relating to cultural property. Nor has it been studied why the EU has largely overlooked the question of the interface between organised crime and TCG, or how the link came to appear. This article intends to address this gap. Our main aim is to assess whether EU policy-makers have identified the overlaps between organised crime and cultural property crime with sufficient rigor to support a common understanding of the problem and to develop adequate measures to improve European policy on the protection of cultural heritage.

To answer this question, the paper proceeds as follows. The next section delves more thoroughly into the discussion on the organised nature of TCG and its links to other forms of organised crime, briefly showing the state of the art. The second section presents the research design. The third section shows the results of the content analysis. Discussion follows in the fourth section. The fifth and last section offers concluding remarks.

Setting the Frame

The debate on the organised crime character of the TCG and related offences has been salient in the last decade. In many cases there is evidence that organised criminal groups are involved at all stages of the illicit trafficking (Proulx, 2011; Campbell, 2013; Chechi, 2019; Brodie et al., 2019): directing looting, moving objects from archaeological sites to local markets, stealing art pieces from private owners and museums, exporting objects from the country of origin, interfacing with the professionals of the international art market, and so on. Terrorist groups are said to be generating income from engaging directly or indirectly in the looting and smuggling of cultural heritage items from archaeological sites, archives, museums, libraries, and other sites, while at the same time destroying and damaging those cultural objects and artworks that offend their religion. We positively know that armed conflicts increase looting activities in the territories at war (Hardy, 2015).Footnote 3 Moreover, there is also evidence of the use of the same trade routes and networks for different illicit goods (Brodie et al., 2019; Sargent et al., 2020). The link between the illicit TCG and other types of organised crime is further substantiated by the well-known effects of money laundering activities in the art and antiquities market (Van Duyne et al., 2014; Brodie & Yates, 2022; Stoll, 2023). In fact, money laundering, terrorist financing, sanctions evasion and tax fraud are facilitated by common business practices in this market, such as the use of cash payments and free ports (Grier Saleeby, 2023; Korver, 2018), withholding identifying information of beneficial owners on both the supplier and the buyer sides of a transaction (Burroughs, 2021), or the offer of tax benefits for donations of antiquities and artworks to museums (Mackenzie, 2020; Yates, 2016).

However, a significant number of authors highlight that empirical data of the involvement of organised crime in TCG are scarce, and in many cases relatively site-specific and anecdotal (Balcells, 2014b; Bull, 2016; Greenland, 2021; Sargent et al., 2020). Regarding the intersections between terrorist financing and TCG, it has been noted that most of the so-called ‘evidence’ is quite ‘soft’, mainly based on headline-grabbing media reports (for instance, those by Kohn, 2014; LaFranci, 2015; Lehr, 2018), interviews (as the ones conducted by Sargent et al., 2020) and grey literature (UN Security Council resolutions, Interpol reports), which in some cases explicitly acknowledge the lack of data. Furthermore, although there is ample proof that different terrorist organisations regularly and purposefully destroy cultural heritage, including archaeological sites, the scale of looting, trafficking and the amount of money generated from these activities is still unclear, as well as the precise nature of terrorist groups’ involvement in these activities (Brodie et al., 2019). For instance, many authors share the analysis that ISIS/Da’esh did not systematically or fully exploit the funding potential of looting and trading in antiquities and cultural goods (Dehouck, 2019). And even if this were so, there is not enough evidence to generalise the ISIS/Da’esh case and conclude that these activities significantly contribute to funding terrorist and armed non-state actors and to prolonging armed conflicts (Pryor, 2023).

Given this controversial state of things, our analysis is meant to show how EU policymakers understand the relationship between TCG and other forms of organised crime, exploring the growing identification of the former as a particularly hideous form of serious organised international crime, which will allow us to calibrate whether the foundations of EU policy regarding TCG are solid. Our interest is shared by many scholars who view with concern that the protection of cultural heritage has gradually become part of the international security policy agenda, especially in light of the armed conflicts of recent years – most notably in Iraq and Syria – (Berg Christensen, 2022; Russo & Giusti, 2019), with preoccupying consequences for the fight against this form of illicit trade (e.g., Foradori et al., 2018; Lostal, 2020; Puskás, 2019). The present paper distinguishes itself from these works for: 1) its novel focus on other forms of organised crime—beyond war crimes, terrorist financing and terrorism -, and 2) its systematic content analysis.

Research Design

In this paper, our aim was to assess the rigor with which the EU policy community has identified the interrelations between TCG and organised crime. We analysed documents published since the foundation of the EU in 1993 through 2023. We considered either EU treaties, directives, decisions, framework decisions, regulations, formal policy statements (such as communications and conclusions), reports and reviews of the Council of the European Union (later European Council), the Parliament, the Commission, Eurojust, Europol, Frontex and the European Public Prosecutor’s Office (EPPO). The policy documents of the seven EU bodies provide complementary substantive perspectives. Within the EU’s complex architecture, the Council of the European Union (hereinafter Council), the European Commission (hereinafter Commission) and, since the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon in December 2009, the European Council and the European Parliament come closest to representing the executive and legislative power of the EU. Europol and Eurojust are the two main EU agencies responsible for crime control and internal security, playing a crucial role in supporting operational cooperation. Frontex, which coordinates the European border management, also plays a part. The EPPO is an independent office in charge of investigating, prosecuting and administering justice for crimes against the EU budget. As a practical matter, we used EUR-lex (https://eur-lex.europa.eu/homepage.html?locale=en) and the agencies’ websites to search for relevant documents.

We created one dataset (see online appendix) which includes all EU policy documents produced by the seven aforementioned EU bodies containing the terms ‘organised crime’ or ‘serious crime’ that were published between 1993 and 2023 (Appendix 1 and 2). We duly considered that in recent years the use of the term ‘organised crime’, once predominant in EU policy, has declined in favour of ‘serious crime’, which has gained prominence in the field of justice and home affairs (Paoli et al., 2017). ‘Serious crime’ is used sometimes alone and more often in combination with ‘organised crime’, as ‘serious and organised crime’ or ‘serious forms of organised crime’. Neither term is clearly defined in the key EU documents in internal security (Calderoni, 2008; Paoli et al., 2017). Although they are not synonyms -serious crime is not always organised and mafia-like, but most often disorganised and mutable (Bigo et al., 2017)-, and neither of them implies per se an international or cross-border component, EU policy documents refer to them in a wide variety of ways that infer organisation, seriousness and internationality. Therefore, terms we sought in the research include combinations such as ‘transnational organised crime’, ‘organised and serious international crime’, ‘serious organised crime’, ‘serious organised cross-border crime’, ‘serious international organised crime’, ‘serious forms of organised crime’, ‘serious and organised crime’, ‘serious crime activities’, ‘transnational organised crime’ and ‘organised property crime’.

In the found documents (n = 238) we looked for references to ‘cultural property crime’, ‘trafficking’ of or ‘illicit trade’ in ‘cultural goods’, ‘cultural property’, ‘cultural heritage’, ‘works of art’, ‘antiques’ or ‘antiquities’, or ‘heritage crime’, which we found in 58 documents (online appendix 1). We conducted then a qualitative content analysis of the documents, exploring linkages to conspiracy and participation in an organised criminal group, organised crime, terrorism, terrorist financing, corruption, smuggling, tax offenses or tax fraud, sanctions evasion, money laundering, forgery and fraud.

We examined the documents manually, using the Adobe pdf search engine and visual inspection. After appropriately describing the document (issuing body, year, short title, number of pages) we considered the following: 1) number of mentions of terms referring to the TCG per document (excluding tables of contents); 2) criteria used to identify the TCG as a form of serious organised international crime; 3) other organised crimes mentioned in connection with TCG; and 4) the joint use of terms. With item 2, we investigated the conceptualization of serious organised international TCG; with item 3 we considered the relation to other forms of organised crime; finally, with item 4 we studied how the European bodies define this relation.

As we will see, the first mentions of illicit TCG as a form of serious organised crime date back to the mid-1990s, in documents which respond to the need to strengthen police and judicial cooperation. But a large majority of documents, over 70%, appeared in the second half of this period (2013–2023), directly linked to the growing securitisation of the protection of cultural property in connection with the fight against terrorism and terrorist financing.

Results

In Table 1 we present the list of the offences mentioned most frequently in EU policy documents as crimes related to the TCG. For simplicity, we combine similar crimes mentioned with slightly different wording across documents, such as ‘terrorist financing’, ‘financing of terrorism’, ‘terrorism financing’. Terrorist financing ranks first (appearing in 20 documents), closely followed by money laundering (in 14). The umbrella category of organised crime ranks third, together with terrorism (each of them mentioned in 8 documents). The blocs of crimes ranking fourth to eighth largely cover offences typically considered forms of organised crime. As we will see in the next subsections, there is no adoption of specific measures with regard to most of these nexuses, with the exception of the AML framework, which is explicitly directed against terrorist financing.

Table 1 Top categories of crime most frequently referenced as crimes related to the trafficking of cultural property in EU policy documents mentioning organised or serious crimes

The Emergence of TCG as a Form of Organised Serious International Crime in EU Policy

Cultural property crime was not included in the list of crimes considered as matters of common interest for Member States or areas in which to establish minimum rules by the founding Treaties. The Treaty on European Union 1992, entered into force in 1993, mentions unauthorized migration and fraud on an international scale, terrorism, unlawful drug trafficking and ‘other serious forms of international crime’, without specifying further (Article K.1). Subsequently the EU was reformed by various treaties which maintained the same list, omitting any reference to cultural property crimes (Treaties of Amsterdam,1997, Nice, 2001, Lisbon, 2007). The current Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (2016) allows the European Parliament and the Council, by means of directives, to establish minimum rules concerning the definition of criminal offences and sanctions again in the areas of particularly serious crime with a cross-border dimension resulting from the nature or impact of such offences or from a special need to combat them on a common basis. It explicitly mentions ‘terrorism, trafficking in human beings and sexual exploitation of women and children, illicit drug trafficking, illicit arms trafficking, money laundering, corruption, counterfeiting of means of payment, computer crime and organised crime’ (Article 83), but not TCG.

In spite of not being a specific competence of the EU (Peters, 2015: 142), the illicit TCG comes under several EU fields of competence, such as the internal market, culture, the common foreign and security policy and the area of freedom, security and justice. This explains why it is in the area devoted to police and judicial cooperation that the ‘career’ of TCG as a serious organised international crime in EU policy began taking shape in the 1990s. Our searches indicate that the identification of cultural property crime as a form of serious international crime first appeared in an EU policy document in 1995. The Europol Convention (Council, 1995) identifies five crimes as initial focal points for the new European Police Office (Europol), none of them TCG (Article 2(2)). However, the annex to the Convention provides a list of 18 ‘serious forms of international crime which Europol could deal with in addition to those already provided for in Article 2(2)’. ‘Illicit trafficking in cultural goods, including antiquities and works of art’, is one of them.

TCG was also mentioned as a form of serious organised crime that requires strengthening of cooperation between the Member States in the Joint Action on making it a criminal offence to participate in a criminal organisation (Council, 1998). In the following years, the EU legal framework regarding police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters consistently mentions the ‘illicit trafficking in cultural goods, including antiques and works of art’ and related offenses (participation in a criminal organisation, corruption, money laundering, terrorism, other illicit forms of trafficking, etc.) in the list of crimes for which special agencies, like Eurojust,Footnote 4 were created, as well as in all lists regarding the adoption of special procedures in order to facilitate police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters.Footnote 5 The close attention paid by the Council was a natural consequence of the Treaty of Nice, which represented an enhancement in concerns of judicial cooperation comparing to the Treaty of Amsterdam. But, as we will see in the next subsection, attention paid to the overlaps between TCG and other forms of organised crime by the main agencies has been intermittent at best.

TCG as a Conduit for Terrorism Financing

Despite the relevance of the fight against organised and serious crime in the policy cycle and the inclusion of the illicit TCG in the lists of serious crimes, EU policy documents failed to identify overlaps between cultural property crime and other forms of serious organised cross-border crime until the 2010s. It is noteworthy, in particular, that most texts outlining the EU strategy against organised crime make no reference to this aspect (Council, 1997, 2000, 2010). This reflects in the scarce attention by Europol, Eurojust, Frontex and EPPO.Footnote 6 Only the EU Organised Crime Report (Europol, 2005: 22) recognises that the criminal interest in cultural property embraces a wide spectrum of illegal behaviours—i.a., theft and receiving, illicit trafficking, forgery and fraud, extortion and money laundering -, and that the involvement of organised criminals seek to satisfy the rising demand for cultural objects, but this finding did not merit further follow-up.

This is all the stranger because in the 2010s the link between organised crime and cultural property crime was a hot topic in the United Nations. The Palermo Convention (UN, 2000), the first global, legally-binding instrument addressing transnational organised crime, already identified the need to tackle the involvement of organised criminal groups in the illicit cultural property trade, but only in the preamble.Footnote 7 Ten years elapsed before the UN Economic and Social Council, ‘alarmed at the growing involvement of organized criminal groups in all aspects of trafficking in cultural property,’ considered that.

the Convention against Transnational Organized Crime and the United Nations Convention against Corruption should be fully used for the purpose of strengthening the fight against trafficking in cultural property, including by exploring other possible normative developments, when appropriate. (ECOSOC, 2010: 112 ff.)

In this vein, the Secretariat of the Conference of the Parties noted that trafficking of cultural property.

has links to organized crime […]. There is also evidence that transnational trafficking in antiquities is linked to other illicit activities in which organized criminal groups are involved, including drugs and arms smuggling, violence, corruption and money-laundering. (Secretariat, 2010: 4)

In spite of these connections, the Secretariat merely recommends to consider making the trafficking in cultural property (including stealing and looting at archaeological sites) a serious crime in accordance with the Palermo Convention, as well as criminalizing as serious crimes a wider range of offences typically related to trafficking in cultural property. Following this recommendation, the UN General Assembly also urged Member States to inter alia criminalise.

all forms and aspects of trafficking in cultural property and related offences by using a broad definition that can be applied to all stolen, looted, unlawfully excavated and illicitly exported or imported cultural property, and […] to make trafficking in cultural property, including stealing and looting at archaeological and other cultural sites, a serious crime, as defined in article 2 of the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime […]. (Resolution 66/180 of 30 March 2012)

Shortly after, the International Guidelines for Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice Responses with Respect to Trafficking in Cultural Property and Other Related Offences (UN General Assembly Resolution 69/196 of 18 December 2014) consider as ‘related offences’ not only ‘conspiracy or participation in an organized criminal group’, but also ‘laundering of trafficked cultural property’. This connection was to have a major impact in the following years, not directly but through the link with terrorism and terrorist financing. It was construed since 2014 by a consistent body of resolutions of the UN Security Council,Footnote 8 which, following the episodes of destruction and looting of cultural heritage committed by terrorist groups in Iraq and Syria, expressed concern about the fact that terrorists benefitted from transnational organised crime in some regions, including from the trafficking of arms, persons, drugs and artefacts and from the illicit trade in natural resources including gold and other precious metals and stones, minerals, wildlife, charcoal and oil, as well as from kidnapping for ransom and other crimes including extortion and bank robbery. They also showed preoccupation about that ISIS/Da’esh and Al-Qaida, as well as individuals, organisations, groups, undertakings and entities associated with them, were generating income from engaging directly or indirectly in the looting and smuggling of cultural heritage items from archaeological sites, museums, libraries, archives, and other sites, which was being used to support their recruitment efforts and strengthen their operational capability to organise and carry out terrorist attacks.

The EU followed this path. Concern for the use of TCG to finance terrorist activities was publicly expressed by the Parliament in 2015. The Parliament’s resolution on the destruction of cultural sites perpetrated by ISIS/Da’esh reproduces the unfounded assertion that ‘illicit trade in cultural goods is now the third most significant illegal trade after drugs and arms’ (Parliament, 2015: 57; see criticism on this ‘factoid’ by Yates & Brodie, 2023). The same year, the Commission announced its intention to explore the need for and possible benefits of additional measures in the area of terrorist financing, including measures related to the illicit trade in cultural goods (Commission, 2015: 14). Other policy documents insist on the need to increase international police cooperation against TCG as a way to disrupt sources of terrorist funding (for instance, Commission, 2016: 12). A collateral effect of this growing interest is the discovery of the link with other forms of trafficking, such as the illicit trade in firearms, oil, drugs and wildlife, and the smuggling of migrants, cigarettes and counterfeit goods by organised crime networks. This connection is mentioned five times in EU policy documents (Commission, 2016: 12–13; Parliament, 2016: 108; Parliament and Council, 2018a: Article 1), where it is stated that trafficking in a certain kind of goods is a conduit for a broader range of black-market goods. The Directive on combatting terrorism describes the illicit TCG, together with these other forms of trafficking, racketeering and extortion, as ‘lucrative ways for terrorist groups to obtain funding’ (Parliament & Council, 2017: Recital 13).

Clearly, a more effective curbing of the illicit trade in cultural goods is seen as a conduit to enhance the effectiveness and efficiency of the fight against terrorist financing and money laundering. FATF recommendations (FATF, 2012–2023) consolidate the opinion that terrorist financing and money laundering often exploit the same vulnerabilities in financial systems and the broader economy that allow for anonymity and opacity in transactions. Exactly the same can be said about TCG. The link was first made evident in 2015 (Commission, 2015: 14; Council, 2015: 2). These documents call for exploring the possible benefits of additional measures in the area of terrorist financing, including measures relating to the freezing of terrorist assets, the illicit trade in cultural goods and the control of non-cash forms of payment.

TCG and the AML Framework

The main result of this approach is the Fifth Anti-Money Laundering Directive (hereinafter 5AMLD, Parliament and Council, 2018a). It adds to the list of obliged entities and persons.

persons trading or acting as intermediaries in the trade of works of art, including when this is carried out by art galleries and auction houses, where the value of the transaction or a series of linked transactions amounts to EUR 10 000 or more. (Article 2(1)(3)(i))

and.

persons storing, trading or acting as intermediaries in the trade of works of art when this is carried out by free ports, where the value of the transaction or a series of linked transactions amounts to EUR 10 000 or more. (Article 2(1)(3)(j))

The 5AMLD also lists as transactions of potentially higher risk of money laundering those.

related to […] cultural artefacts and other items of archaeological, historical, cultural and religious importance, or of rare scientific value, as well as ivory and protected species,

while mentioning as geographical risk factors.

countries identified by credible sources as having significant levels of corruption or other criminal activity […], countries subject to sanctions, embargos or similar measures issued by, for example, the Union or the United Nations; […] countries providing funding or support for terrorist activities, or that have designated terrorist organisations operating within their country. (Annex III)

Curiously, though, cultural property crimes are not explicitly mentioned among the categories of crimes that are considered predicate offenses of money laundering by the Sixth Anti-Money Laundering Directive (Parliament and Council, 2018b). Anyway, depending on the national regulation, they can be included in the generic reference to any ‘criminal activity’, or in the more specific one to the ‘illicit trafficking in stolen goods and other goods’ (Article 2(1)).

Also responding to the preoccupation regarding terrorist financing and money laundering are the Regulation on the introduction and the import of cultural goods (Parliament & Council, 2019), and the Parliament’s resolution on cross-border restitution claims of works of art and cultural goods looted in armed conflicts and wars (Parliament, 2019), which introduce specifics provisions requiring importers to exercise due diligence regarding the licit provenance of the cultural goods imported, encouraging compliance through the provision of penalties for infringements. The Commission explicitly acknowledges that these initiatives intend to respond to the call by the UN Security Council to take steps to counter the illicit trade and trafficking of cultural property, in particular when originating from a context of armed conflict and conducted by or benefiting to terrorist groups (Commission, 2017: 8).

In 2020, the Commission (2020: 19), after stating that TCG has become ‘one of the most lucrative criminal activities, a source of funding for terrorists as well as organised crime and it is on the rise’, suggests to adopt steps to.

improve the online and offline traceability of cultural goods in the internal market and cooperation with third countries where cultural goods are looted as well as providing active support to law enforcement and academic communities.

Other documents stress the fact that illegal excavation, looting and trafficking of cultural property are not only linked to serious security threats, as they provide means for financing of organised criminal and terrorist activities and are instrumental for money laundering, but also have a socio-cultural impact (Council, 2020: 8; Commission, 2021: 16–17). Coherently, the Council (2021: 10) set as the aim of the priority on organised property crime.

to disrupt criminal networks involved in organised burglaries and theft, organised robberies, motor vehicle crime and illegal trade in cultural goods, with a special focus on those that are highly mobile and operating across the EU.

The EU Action Plan against Trafficking in Cultural Goods (Commission, 2022) is the first document to include a description not only of other cultural property crimes in addition to trafficking, such as theft, robbery, looting and forgery (briefly mentioned before in Europol, 2021, see note 6), but also of the following related crimes: fraud, disposal of stolen goods, smuggling, corruption, money laundering, sanctions evasion, tax evasion and terrorist financing. The Action Plan identifies the detection of illicit financial flows as a key component of the fight against cultural goods trafficking. It recognises that the prevalence of money laundering or terrorism financing with legally acquired cultural goods requires particular attention. In fact, this is the only intersection between cultural property crimes and other organised crime typologies which is addressed with a certain extension in the document. As we will see, by doing so the Action Plan points out the business culture in the art market as the main facilitating factor of cultural property crime and one of the most probable explanations of its relative impunity.

Later EU policy documents focus on individual crimes, such as corruption (Commission, 2023; Parliament and Council, 2023b). Corruption is considered a key tool for organised crime as it facilitates a wide variety of criminal activities, including trafficking. No specific measure is adopted regarding this link.

In sum, EU policy texts relating to these offences show a clear evolution: the older ones are silent on the issue of overlaps with organised crimes, while the more modern ones allude to this connection, but more often than not they do not adopt specific measures to combat it. The exception is the link to terrorist financing and money laundering. During the whole period, however, reports and reviews from Europol, Eurojust, Frontex and the EPPO paid no attention to the topic.

Discussion

The involvement of organised crime groups in various manifestations of cultural property crimes is recognised in EU policy documents and has been repeatedly confirmed in case law and police operations. This ranges from resorting to low-level looting or smuggling activities as a gateway to more serious crimes to criminal networks handling particular stages of illegal supply chains (e.g., moving the artefacts from the countries of origin to those of destiny) or groups resorting to ‘poly-criminal’ conduct (e.g., exploiting consolidated maritime or land routes for the trafficking of multiple assets simultaneously). At the same time, though, the degree and characteristics of organised crime groups’ involvement in cultural property crimes have not been thoroughly examined, aside from looting, damage and destruction in conflict zones. It seems that most existing networks are quite small, largely opportunistic and significantly decentralised, integrated by members that, in many cases, are not even ‘full-time’ criminals (Nistri, 2009; Sargent et al., 2020). In fact, the literature consistently highlights the disorganised nature of the illicit market in cultural goods, dominated by small groups and actors that are ‘local at all points’ (using the terminology proposed by Hobbs, 1998: 419), which is to say that the organisation of cultural property crime entails ever mutating interlocking networks of mainly locally based criminality (Campbell, 2013; Brodie et al., 2019). These findings are at odds with the insistence of EU bodies on the characterisation of cultural property crime as a serious organised cross-border crime.

Much attention has been focused on the overlaps and intersections between terrorism, unlawful excavation and removal, illegal importation and exportation, acquisition, destruction and damage of cultural property in armed conflicts. In spite of this, until 2017 EU documents imposing the criminalisation of terrorist financing did not explicitly address the link to the illicit trade in cultural goods, not even mentioning it as one of the criminal activities from which property is derived to launder. From then on, the policy instruments that establish the connection seem unclear about its extent and importance. Initially their wording was quite cautious, only recognising that.

Illicit trade in pillaged cultural goods has been identified as a possible source of terrorist financing and money laundering activities in the context of the supranational risk assessment on money laundering and terrorist financing risks affecting the internal market. (Parliament & Council, 2019: Recital 11)

Or that.

valuable artworks, sculptures and archaeological artefacts are being sold and imported into the EU from certain non-EU countries, with the profits potentially being used to finance terrorist activities. (Parliament, 2019: 126).

At other times they merely acknowledge that terrorist groups are generating income from the illicit trafficking of cultural property (Council, 2020: 8) and that this illicit trade is instrumental for money laundering (Commission, 2021: 16). But sometimes they go further and bluntly affirm that TCG has ‘become one of the most lucrative criminal activities’ for terrorists and organised crime (Commission, 2020: 19). These contradictory appreciations (it may be a source of funding, it is a source of funding, it is the most lucrative source of funding) touch on another hot topic, which is the lack of evidence to support any of these claims. Documents do not delve further in their exploration, uncritically repeating unsubstantiated facts – or ‘factoids’. Certainly, the use of satellite technologies for monitoring archaeological sites allows us to know the extension of looting and vandalism in conflict zones (Tapete et al., 2016), but not who benefits from it. The claim that the illicit trade in cultural property fuels terrorist activities is not based on research by any academic or professional expert, is not drawn from crime statistics or from any relevant organisation within or outside the EU conducting field research, and thus is not verifiable. It has existed since the 2010s in the service of a narrative that equates terrorism with stricter measures against ‘serious organised international’ activities. In the absence of reliable evidence, the reception of this narrative by EU policymakers has been characterised as problematic (Sargent et al., 2020). It undermines the idea that EU policy related to the illicit trade in art and antiquities is made based on real data. Furthermore, although it fits well into the existing, ideologically charged narrative regarding the ‘war on terror’, contributing to the discursive escalation of heritage as a security issue (Berg Christensen, 2022), it does so at the cost of the fight against TCG taking a back seat in that war (Puskás, 2019; Rosén, 2017). But not everything is negative. The focus on terrorism allowed to add political weight to archaeologists’ and art historians’ efforts to curb the international trafficking of looted objects, while increasing public awareness of the cultural, historical and economic value of cultural heritage and the urgent need to reduce the illicit activities threatening it. It helped to place the protection of cultural heritage on political agendas. And it paved the way for the inclusion of the art market in the AML framework.

Many EU instruments implicate cultural property – antiquities and artwork—in money laundering (n = 14). There is very little evidence that antiquities are actually used for money laundering. There is in contrast ample evidence that the antiquities themselves are laundered, as are the criminal proceeds of their sales (Bowman, 2008; Mosna, 2022). Brodie and Yates (2022: 105–108) suggest that antiquities might be used for trade-based money laundering, but they also state that there is no empirical confirmation. Contrarily, for artworks, the acts of buying art objects with criminally earned money to convert such dirty cash into an asset that gains value and can be sold later, or of cleaning the tainted money by making an accomplice of the seller to buy the artwork with money provided by the seller (as described by Renold, 2018), are transactions that can clearly be used to launder dirty money. The business culture of the art market undoubtedly consent exploitation for the purpose of money laundering, while other vulnerabilities are linked to market participants and the cultural objects (Brodie et al., 2019; Dundler, 2021; FATF, 2023; Flynn, 2016; Hufnagel & King, 2020). To approach cultural property crime from the AML framework is consistent with a relevant sector of the specialised literature that argues that cultural property crime should be examined not only or not principally as a form of organised crime, but as a white-collar crime, that is, as an unlawful form of entrepreneurship, governed by profit goals and business rationales, vocabularies and rules that normalise the illicit behaviour while minimising the harmful consequences (Balcells, 2014b; Mackenzie, 2019; Oosterman et al., 2021). It could be argued that TCG is not per se a white-collar crime, even considering the many different meanings of this term (Green, 2004). It may end up as a white-collar crime at the final stage, but it rarely starts that way. In any case, it is precisely this phase that has been targeted by the EU, from the perspective that the art market works in ways similar to the financial sector in many aspects. Imposing due diligence obligations and preventive regulatory requirements on professionals, creating an effective supervisory framework, improving traceability and reliable information on the object’s origin and history, are measures that purport to achieve better results than the previous approach based on the alleged organised nature of cultural property crime. In this respect, the inclusion of TCG in the AML framework represents an important turning point in the pursuit of an effective level of protection.

Lastly, the nexus between corruption and trafficking of cultural property remains understudied (Eber et al., 2022), with speculation of a strong connection being fuelled by media. Even though smuggling (illicit import and exportation) often requires extra-legal activities that may abet corruption (Fisman & Wei, 2009), EU policy instruments on corruption do not usually address this linkage. The situation is evolving, since the EU is aware that initiatives to combat specific organised crimes, including TCG, also help to limit corruption opportunities (Commission, 2023: 7). Consistently with the AML approach, the explanatory memorandum of the proposal for a directive on combatting corruption (Parliament and Council, 2023b: 4) mentions the TCG in relation to money laundering and sanctions evasion offences.

Concluding Remarks

In this paper, we have demonstrated both a growing interest among EU policymakers in the connection between TCG and related serious organised international crimes, and substantial gaps in the conceptualization of these overlaps. To date, these linkages have been identified in many EU policy documents, but they address the connection poorly and inconsistently. On the basis of our content analysis, though, we can only speculate on the reasons for the EU institutions’ failure to achieve a more consistent understanding of the interrelation of the TCG with other forms of organised crime.

As already shown, all instruments related to police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters mention the illicit TCG including antiques and works of art and related offenses in all lists regarding the adoption of special procedures in order to facilitate police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters. TCG is also included in the list of crimes for which special agencies, like Europol or Eurojust, are created. However, EU policy documents do not delve further. Furthermore, most of the reports produced by these agencies do not specifically mention organised crime in relation to cultural property crime. Europol is the exception, but only since 2017 and without much emphasis.

Cultural property crime is not explicitly included in the list of particularly serious crimes with a cross-border dimension for which the Parliament and the Council are allowed to establish minimum rules. This explains why the EU policymakers’ growing interest in TCG that we can see since the middle of the 2010s is closely related to the fight against terrorism and terrorist financing. Undoubtedly, this development has provided a new impulse for both combatting the illicit trade and exploring the intersections with other organised crime typologies, particularly money laundering and corruption. Moreover, it has contributed to raising awareness of the real significance and scale of TCG activities among the public as well as among art market players and law enforcement agencies, usually unaware of the harms this crime can bring (Brodie et al., 2019; Chappell & Huffer, 2014; Nall, 2014). Yet, another consequence is an expanding process of securitisation of the topic. The fight against these crimes has increasingly become an issue of global governance, attiring the attention not only of the EU, but also of other international organisations for political and military alliance and collective defence, such as NATO (Rosén, 2017). The problem is that in this approach preoccupation about the protection of cultural property is clearly secondary to the objective of preventing and combatting terrorism. The fight against TCG is framed as a measure against terrorist financing and a necessary development for the security of European nations. A first conclusion is that the persistence of the securitarian approach to the protection of cultural property disregards the need to provide a good foundation for the policy discussion, and evidences a serious flaw in EU policymakers’ understanding of the characteristics of the illicit market. A second conclusion, though, is that this approach contributes to point in the right direction: the adoption of measures to control the art market and reduce its vulnerabilities.

In fact, the growing interest in the art trade paid by EU instruments dealing with the prevention of money laundering provides a good strategy. The imposition of obligations on key players contributes to create a legal environment that enables the sharing of information among various parties to the extent that is relevant to the fight against the illicit trade in cultural goods. Surely, the AML framework cannot be presented as a panacea for all problems of the art market (Hufnagel & King, 2020; Ulph & Smith, 2012). There are many aspects that threaten to radically diminish the effectiveness of the European regulation, turning it into a missed opportunity which may leave the market highly exposed to abuse: from the financial threshold incorporated into the 5AMLD -the value of the transaction or a series of linked transactions must amount to EUR 10 000 or more to trigger obligations- to the different perceptions of the market’s risks between regulatory authorities and market participants, as well as among different jurisdictions, which may lead to under-enforcement. Moreover, as already shown, EU emphasis on money laundering through the art market is usually connected with the prevention of terrorist financing, instead of the more common crimes of corruption, tax fraud and sanctions evasion. And this may prove misleading.

It is clear that the current legal framework raises several quite problematic issues with the obligations, how they are restricted in their reach for those in the art and antiquities trade or whether they will be effectively enforced. But, against the backdrop of the pronounced lack of interest displayed by art dealers and auction houses regarding the implementation of self-regulatory measures, it is justified to induce behavioural change and an environment more amenable to the public interest to protect cultural heritage (Baranello, 2021). Paraphrasing the old proverb, one could say that the EU writes straight with crooked lines.