Do they Know it is CSR at all? An Exploration of Socially Responsible Music Consumption

The positive role that music and musicians play in developing awareness and raising funds for a wide variety of social, environmental, and philanthropic causes has been well documented by the popular press and media coverage. Most notably, musicians led by Sir Bob Geldof came together in 1985 and performed at Live Aid, raising over $US 50 million globally in support of the African citizens affected by famine and starvation (BBC 2014). Additionally, the Band Aid Trust has raised over $US 144 million for famine relief in Africa between the release of the “Do they know it’s Christmas” charity singles in 1985 and 2004, respectively. However, social responsibility in relation to music is not limited to music production and sales. Importantly, the environmental impact of the music industry is becoming increasingly relevant across a number of aspects. For example, Rolling Stone Magazine recently produced a top 15 listing of the most eco-friendly musicians highlighting the work of musicians such as Jack Johnson, Pearl Jam, and Radiohead’s Thom Yorke. These musicians are engaged in a variety of environmental causes including using eco-friendly touring vehicles, powering their live shows with solar power, and performing at high-profile events such as Live Earth (www.rollingstone.com, n.d.).

In addition, the operators of live music festivals are expected to address the environmental impact of events including the availability of recycling, using green power, selling local and organic food and beverages, and offering environmentally friendly merchandise (Laing and Frost 2010). Furthermore, festival goers hold generally positive attitudes toward environmentally friendly music festivals. However, while holding high expectations for festivals to make their events more environmentally friendly, these positive attitudes do not appear to influence actual behavior. Specifically, over 85 % of those surveyed are still willing to attend live music events that do not include an environmental policy (A Greener Festival 2012). These conflicting findings present an opportunity to better understand why this attitude–behavior gap that is commonly found in socially responsible consumption research persists in this specific consumption context (i.e., Peattie and Crane 2005).

While there appears to be interest and awareness related to environmental issues at live music events and consumer support for charitable donations tied to music sales, previous literature has not explored the role that social and ethical responsibilities have in the consumption of music. In fact, Laing and Frost (2010, p. 262) note that there is a “paucity of information about the type of person who may be attracted to green events and their motivations for attendance, as well as likely levels of demand for these events in the future.” Further complicating matters within the context of social responsibility and music, consumers often encounter multiple brands and/or stakeholders simultaneously including individual musicians, record labels, music venue operators, charitable organizations that musicians partner with and fellow music consumers. This differs from previous CSR research that has primarily been conducted through the examination of a specific firm and its engagement in a specific CSR initiative and/or its existing reputation for CSR (e.g., Barone et al. 2007; Berens et al. 2007).

The current research addresses this gap by exploring the role that socially responsible consumption plays in the consumption of music. Specifically, we explore the role of social responsibility across a variety of consumption activities including individual decision making (i.e., supporting local musicians and attending charity events) and the response to members of the music industry’s engagement in socially responsible activities such as charity singles, advocacy advertising, and philanthropic engagement. In addition, we examine the levels of interest and support for individual musicians, artists, record labels, and live music festivals that engage in socially responsible activities. In doing so, this exploratory research makes a number of contributions to both the socially responsible consumption behavior (SRCB) and music consumption literatures.

Firstly, previous research examining SRCB has generally found that consumers respond more positively to hedonic products compared to utilitarian products (i.e., Strahilevitz and Myers 1998). The current research provides a more nuanced understanding of the consumer response to hedonic products that include socially responsible aspects. In particular, we find that in the context of music consumption, there are factors that extend beyond simply pairing a hedonic product with a socially responsible message in order to generate a positive consumer response. For example, consumers often view music as a product that provides an escape from their daily routine and frequently express a desire to avoid socially responsible activities while attending live music events. Furthermore, consumers consider the authenticity of the artist or organization engaged in the socially responsible behavior and choose to dismiss musicians appearing to engage in philanthropy for self-serving reasons (i.e., greater record sales).

This relates to our second contribution concerning the music consumption literature. Although aspects of escapism and authenticity as well as emotional and identification management have been covered previously in music consumption literature (e.g., Shankar 2000; Goulding and Saren 2009), these concepts have yet to be explored in-depth in contexts related to the socially responsible aspects of consumption. Consequently, this paper is able to demonstrate how key features of music consumption, for example identity construction and authenticity, can be used to help promote socially responsible behavior in a positive manner if they are managed appropriately. Conversely, the importance of emotional release and escapism in music consumption can also lead to particular consumers avoiding or ignoring such initiatives that interfere with their leisure time. Similarly, negative opinions develop for artists who try to engage with music fans at this level.

Thirdly, on a practical level, global ticket sales for live music events totalled a record of $US 4.8 billion with attendance figures growing at 26 % in 2013 (Billboard 2013). Further, charity singles consistently generate millions of dollars for a variety of causes. For example, the 2014 re-recording of “Do They Know It’s Christmas” generated over $US 1.7 million from digital sales in the first five minutes upon its release. However, while experiencing significant commercial success and reaching the number one position on the U.K. charts, the charity single has also been criticized for being condescending toward the recipients of the money raised and damaging in its lyrical content (CBC.ca 2014). Similarly, the increasing trend of the charity single in the UK has been viewed as somewhat calculating and cynical with commentators observing that more awareness is raised for the musicians rather than the actual charity itself (Robinson 2012). Accordingly, practitioners working in the music industry such as executives of record labels and the organizers of live music events have an opportunity to develop socially and environmentally responsible products and services for their customers but may also face skepticism and criticism based on such engagement. The current research provides a platform on which to better understand the factors that lead consumers to embrace, ignore, or in extreme cases, actively rebel against socially responsible aspects of music consumption.

The paper proceeds as follows. Firstly, we present reviews of both the SRCB and music consumption literatures to provide the relevant background that informed our research question and interview protocol. Building on these concepts, this study employs a qualitative, interpretive approach and reports data from 22 in-depth interviews with a diverse group of respondents from multiple cities across the United Kingdom and Ireland. Next, we present the results from our interviews across a variety of both pre-determined themes including the levels of awareness, interest, and support for social, ethical, and environmental issues in the context of music consumption. We also explore explanations as to why consumers respond differently to social responsibility in the music industry when compared to everyday consumption. Additionally, we explore emerging factors that influence whether consumers support socially responsible behavior in the music industry such as the size and levels of success of the artist. Finally, we present discussion and implications for researchers as well as practitioners.

Literature Review

The following section outlines the literature examining the influence of socially responsible product and service attributes on consumer purchase decision-making behavior. In addition, several factors that influence the consumer response to socially responsible engagement are presented including the role of the product type (i.e., hedonic vs. utilitarian). Finally, the music consumption literature and the role of social responsibility in the music industry are discussed.

The Influence of CSR Activities on Consumers

In order to examine the role that social responsibility plays in the consumption of music, we adopt the Mohr et al. (2001, p. 47) definition of an individual’s, as “a person basing his or her acquisition, usage and disposition of products on a desire to minimize or eliminate any harmful effects and maximize the long-term beneficial impact on society.” Further, we also seek to explore the influence of socially responsible engagement by individual artists, bands, and organizations in the music industry (i.e., record labels, venue management, ticketing companies) on consumers. Accordingly, we adopt Barnett’s (2007, p. 801) definition of CSR as “a discretionary allocation of corporate resources toward improving social welfare that serves as a means of enhancing relationships with key stakeholders.” This definition incorporates the primary business case justification for investments in CSR activities by managers—the promise of enhancing relationships between customers and their brands (Haanaes et al. 2011).

Although CSR terminology is used to refer to a variety of socially responsible initiatives in the sports and leisure industry (e.g., Sheth and Babiak 2010), it has not been used to describe such actions relating to the production and consumption of music. However, the categorization of CSR activities used by Peloza and Shang (2011) offers three distinct categories that the artists and organizations in the music industry currently engage in: philanthropy (e.g., donations to charity by musicians, advocacy advertisements for human rights, and environmental causes, and cause-related marketing (CRM) campaigns such as sales of albums tied to charitable donations), business practices (e.g., emissions reduction through green music production processes, and environmentally friendly supply chain practices for music festivals), and product-related CSR (e.g., environmental benefits of local food catering at live music events). Finally, we also include the charitable engagement of individual musicians and bands under the umbrella of CSR activities.

Existing research identifies a number of ways in which consumers support CSR activities including greater purchase intentions (e.g., Mohr and Webb 2005) and a willingness to engage in positive word-of-mouth on behalf of firms that engage in socially responsible behavior (e.g., Hoeffler and Keller 2002). In addition, consumers have also evidenced a willingness to pay higher prices for environmentally friendly products and fair-trade products (i.e., Laroche et al. 2001; De Pelsmacker et al. 2005). Despite considerable evidence suggesting consumers respond positively to firms’ CSR engagement, consumer support for CSR activities varies due to a variety of reasons such as a lack of awareness of firms’ CSR activities (i.e., Du et al. 2010; Pomering and Dolnicar 2009), the attitude–behavior gap (i.e., Cotte and Trudel 2009), and a general reluctance to place greater importance on CSR attributes over traditional product attributes such as quality and reliability (Auger et al. 2008). In addition, the product type (i.e., hedonic vs. utilitarian) has also been found to influence the consumer response to CSR activities and is worthy of further exploration in this context.

Product Type and Consumer Responses to CSR

Previous research examining the consumer response to CSR has suggested that the product type included in socially responsible activities such as CRM campaigns influence whether consumers support the initiative or not. Specifically, Strahilevitz and Myers (1998) find that corporate donations to charity have heightened appeal for consumers of hedonic goods as opposed to consumers of utilitarian goods. Similarly, more recent work finds that consumers’ support for CRM campaigns tied to unnecessary frivolous products was much more positive than when the same campaign was tied to a practical product (Chang 2008; Chowdhury and Khare 2011). Explicitly examining the underlying mechanism that has determined the response to hedonic versus utilitarian products, Peloza et al. (2013) find that appeals using environmental attributes are significantly more effective in advertising for chocolate (a hedonic product) where guilt is experienced when compared to environmental attributes of anti-bacterial soap (a utilitarian product). While the majority of the research examining the influence of product type has found hedonic products to be more positively received by consumers, Torelli et al. (2012), note that consumers do not respond positively to luxury products that are paired with CSR-related messages. It is suggested that the brand concepts associated with luxury products (i.e., self-enhancement) conflict with the self-transcendent values at the heart of CSR activities. The current research explores the influence of music; a hedonic product that in some aspects of its consumption (e.g., concert/festival attendance) may be viewed as a luxury product for consumers.

The Consumption of Music

The current research examines the context of music consumption, a specific hedonic product that has received significant attention in consumer behavior literature. Importantly, consumers experience the consumption of music differently to other products or services. Music represents an ideal context from which consumer researchers have moved beyond focusing their attention on the act of purchasing products to reflect on what individuals actually do with their products and how they use them in their everyday lives (Shankar 2000). Holbrook and Hirschman’s (1982) work has been particularly influential in demonstrating the importance of emotions, experiences, and fantasies in consumption, helping to shift the emphasis away from previously dominant utilitarian paradigms in consumer behavior research that struggled to explain something as subjective and emotional as music consumption within such rigid parameters. Consequently, consumer researchers have used music as a context to explore and develop explanations concerning identity, social groups (see Goulding and Saren 2009), materiality (see Magudda 2011), and the emotive and resistant aspects of consumption.

Music is a powerful vehicle through which tastes and values are understood (Thornton 1995), and social groups and subcultures are formed (see Hall and Jefferson 1976). As such, academics have focused on how we use music as a symbolic resource in which to make sense of our social reality and develop social, cognitive, and emotional structures (e.g., DeNora 2000). Essentially, researchers have focused on how we use music to manage our identities. Thornton (1995, p. 164) writes that “taste in music, for youth in particular, is often seen as the key to one’s distinct sense of self.” While previous research has provided anecdotal evidence that “musical preferences might reflect some consumers’ periods of peak involvement with various social causes” (Holbrook and Schindler 1989, p. 124), to date music consumption research has not been explicitly examined through the lens of social responsibility and ethics. This is despite the considerable amount of media attention musicians receive for their engagement with charitable causes and the inherent assumption that music (and other forms of artistic expression) has a powerful influence that can instigate social change and encourage social responsibility.

Qualitative Research Approach

Since the role of socially responsible consumption in music is relatively unexplored, qualitative depth interviews served as an appropriate methodology (Strauss and Corbin 1990). In addition, the goal of our research was to identify and explore a variety of factors that influence socially responsible music consumption. Similar qualitative methods have been used by researchers examining consumer behaviors related to CSR activities and SRCB (e.g., Carrigan and Attalla 2001; Oberseder et al. 2011).

Data Collection

The majority of the interviews were conducted via telephone or Skype. When possible, the interviews were conducted in person and the participants were provided the choice of being interviewed at their workplace or their homes in order to provide a level of comfort. In addition, the participants were reminded that we sought their honest opinions and there were no right or wrong answers (Oberseder et al. 2011). A number of participants explained that socially responsible consumption was not a significant consideration for their music purchase decisions, suggesting a level of comfort and trust that was established between the authors and participants. In addition, a number of projective techniques were used. For example, the participants compared the importance of CSR attributes in daily consumption with music consumption decisions (Donoghue 2000).

The semi-structured interview guide (see Appendix 1) was developed through the review of the existing SRCB, CSR, and music consumption literatures. Follow-up questions were used by the interviewers to encourage participants to elaborate on initial answers. As suggested by Miller and Crabtree (1992), the use of a semi-structured interview guide allows participants to discuss the role of SRCB and CSR activities through the examination of actual purchase decisions and consumption experiences. The discussion of actual purchases also serves to mitigate against the potential risk of socially desirable responding (i.e., Oberseder et al. 2011)

The initial set of questions in the interview guide allowed for discussion of general consumption behavior including the attributes considered when making purchases. Next, participants were asked to discuss the role of music consumption in general, followed by exploring the role of social and ethical responsibility in their consumption of music. Finally, the participants were asked to compare the role of social responsibility in their general consumption decisions to that of the role it plays in their consumption of music.

The 22 interviews averaged 54 min in length and were recorded and transcribed verbatim. In sum, 517 pages of transcripts were reviewed individually along with accompanying field notes taken during the interview process in order to better understand the role of socially responsible consumption in the context of music consumption. The interview data were sufficient to ensure saturation (Guest et al. 2006).

Interview Sample

The participants were recruited from multiple cities across the United Kingdom and Ireland including London, Edinburgh, Bristol, Glasgow, and Dublin. Initial sampling was conducted by asking colleagues for referrals, and subsequent sampling was managed through snowballing. This follows the approach adopted by previous work examining consumer behavior in the context of SRCB (i.e., Oberseder et al. 2011). The early participants who provided introductions to potential interviewees were instructed to not disclose the purpose of the research in order to avoid the potential for biases being introduced prior to the interview.

The demographics of the sample are summarized in Table 1 and represent a diverse population. In total, 12 females and 10 males were interviewed ranging in age from 22 to 45 years old, with an average age of 31 years. This age range was selected in order to reflect the 2013 Annual Music Study conducted by NPD Group (NPD Group 2013) that finds consumers between the ages 18–50 comprise 62 % of the total market of music buyers, 69 % of digital music buyers, and 83 % of consumers who pay to stream music. The participants were employed across a wide variety of industries including education, healthcare, emergency services, social marketing, and leisure. The informants also varied across occupation type (i.e., senior management, middle management, administrative function, and freelance workers), income level, and marital status.

Table 1 Interview sample demographics
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Data Analysis

The transcripts were reviewed separately by each of the authors resulting in discussion of each individual transcript, following the iterative process suggested by Spiggle (1994). Having identified emerging themes in the early interviews, the authors updated the interview guide in order to accommodate the new themes. In addition, the authors discussed the effectiveness of individual questions throughout the data collection process and altered the interview guide. These alterations were also based on how participants perceived the questions during the interviewing process (Mohr et al. 2001). Post-interview discussion with participants allowed for the addition of new questions and the alteration of existing questions that proved difficult for the interviewees. Further, data analysis followed the recommended iterative approach of reading, coding, discussion regarding the coding among the authors, and re-reading the transcripts in whole (Glaser and Strauss 1967).

The coding of the interviews was conducted across four key aspects of socially responsible music consumption. As our interest lies in better understanding the role of social responsibility in music consumption, we firstly coded the types of behaviors that consumers identify as examples of individual social responsibility (and irresponsibility) such as purchasing charity singles and attending local live music events in order to support local emerging talent. For the purposes of the current research, we consider individual consumption decisions such as donating to musical charities, supporting local music talent, and downloading music as separate from the consumer response to corporate social responsibility engagement on the part of members of the music industry. Secondly, we coded the types of socially responsible activities our participants identified that individual musicians, bands, and organizations in the music industry (i.e., record labels and music venue operators) engage in. Conversely, we also coded for socially irresponsible behaviors discussed across our sample. Finally, we coded for the purposes of identifying the factors that have the most influence in ultimately determining whether consumers choose to integrate social responsibility information and attributes into their music consumption decisions.

Results

Overall, we find inconsistent levels of awareness, interest, and support for individual socially responsible consumption and CSR engagement in the music industry. In the following sections, we present a broad variety of themes discussed by our participants that explores and explains this variance across our participants’ individual music consumption decisions. For example, we present findings related to the perceived authenticity of the artist or record label involved in the socially responsible activity. Further, we explore the prevalence of irresponsible behavior in the music industry that frequently exceeds the importance of positive and responsible behavior (i.e., Folkes and Kamins 1999). Finally, we compare the importance of social responsibility across music consumption decisions and general consumption decisions and find in many cases, music is intended to provide a sense of escapism from consumers’ daily routine. Accordingly, several participants expressed a desire for musicians and the music industry to keep music and socially responsible messages separate.

Individual Music Consumption and Social Responsibility

When discussing socially responsible music consumption at the individual level (versus corporate and artist supported CSR), several participants identified attending charity music gigs and events as a specific way of supporting the music industry. Particular emphasis was placed on the local impact of the charity events, such as:

Quite recently I attended an event in Everwood that was a music concert that was raising money for young music artists…So that was for raising money for tuition for young musicians. It makes me feel good. It feels like I’m sort of making some kind of difference there through my purchases, I’m doing something that can actually help people, if it’s a local community, for example. (M, 25)

In addition, some participants felt that supporting local music talent was in itself a form of a charitable donation in order to help local musicians pursue their passion, for example:

The only charity I can think of are the small, local bands that want to go on tour and you are paying for them (to be able to tour)… (they are) not a charity itself but a charity case, they need some money to tour…Yeah they need the money to go do what they enjoy, you have got to give them money to keep them going, to support them. (F, 22)

These results mirror previous research conducted by Green and Peloza (2014) that found some consumers equated their support of small and local businesses as an example of SRCB. In addition to discussing the role of charity music events, perhaps surprisingly, several participants equated paying for music downloads through legal channels such as iTunes or paying for streaming serves such as Spotify as a form of socially responsible behavior, especially when they support small and local talent:

Yeah, I am ashamed to admit that I have pirated some stuff and I felt guilty. So I feel, good about myself when I actually purchase it properly, and legitimately…if it’s a local artist, when I go to a live gig and I buy their album, I kind of feel like that is directly supporting them because they’re right in front of me. And I feel like I can already see that the influence is going straight to the artist. (F, 33)

Furthermore, contrary to prior research (i.e., Auger et al. 2008), a small minority of our participants suggested they made socially responsible purchases even when they perceived a trade-off between the quality of the music and feeling they were doing the right thing by supporting the cause. For example:

I’ve certainly bought charity singles, if not albums, I’ve certainly bought things that I didn’t particularly want or think were any good as a way of donating. And I have attended friends’ charity music events, I mean, this is not really, you know, some sort of nationally known artist or anything. But I have attended friends’ events that were musical because they were putting them on for some sort of charity reason as a sort of motivation. I mean, perhaps it would have been fun to go along anyway, but I probably wouldn’t have done if it hadn’t have been for that charity in certain cases. (M, 37)

Beyond discussing positive aspects of their individual consumption behavior, several participants expressed regret at not supporting the music industry to the extent they thought they should. For example, the following participant felt that despite being involved in music herself as a member of a local music organization, she recognized her shortcomings with regard to supporting the music industry through more purchases:

I love music and it’s a really big, massive part of my life. And so I would like to, in theory, think that I support it. But actually I probably should buy more albums instead of copying other people’s CD’s or borrow other people’s CD’s or…I don’t really support it that much. (F, 33)

Further, several participants suggested they had used illegal methods to download music for free while offering reasons such as their own personal financial situation or the perception of the music industry as a very prosperous and wealthy industry that is not impacted significantly by downloading. However, participants drew clear lines as to when it was appropriate to illegally download music or not. A consistent finding across our sample is that our participants refused to download from small, local, and/or emerging musicians while not holding similar reservations as it relates to downloading from musicians they perceived to be wealthy and successful musicians. This supports previous research from Lysonski and Durvasula (2008) and Wang and McClung (2011) who suggest that smaller artists can use their size to potentially defer potential digital pirates.

I just checked my laptop today and I have a hundred megabytes of music so I think that is around 17,000 songs and I don’t think I have paid for one of them….Metallica and stuff, they are not going to be put out, they are not going to be kicked out of their house because they can’t pay their mortgage because someone has downloaded their album, I know again that there are huge amounts of downloads but they are still in a mansion, they are still not going bankrupt. If there are any local bands that I know about, I’ll buy their albums. (M, 25)

Expectations for Socially Responsible Behavior in the Music Industry

Previous research has examined consumers’ expectations for companies to engage in CSR activities (i.e., Mohr et al. 2001). In general, the consensus among researchers is that firms today have rising expectations to be socially responsible. Specifically, Smith (2003) suggests that companies are not facing a decision as to whether they should engage in CSR but rather how, and to what extent, they should engage. An emerging theme among several of our participants is their expectations of both individual artists and organizations in the music industry, such as event managers and venue operators, to engage in socially responsible behavior. The participants expressed conflicting opinions with some participants suggesting that individual artists and bands should not have expectations of being involved in social or charitable causes:

I don’t know if people have a responsibility to do that….It shouldn’t be expected of you, the idea that just because you are a musician and that you make music people like that somehow you should be a role model and live your life in a certain way. I don’t really agree with that. (M, 29)

I think it’s part of these people being in the limelight. They have to accept that they’re role models and that they have a certain position in society that they’re privileged to have and so I think social responsibility in that role is recognizing, especially with young people, the power that you have…I think being socially responsible as an actor or as a musician or something is to be aware of the power that you have in the marketplace that you operate in. (F, 34)

In addition to discussing general expectations for socially responsible behavior in the music industry, participants also had varying levels of expectations based on the size of the artist or band. Consistent with previous research that found consumers place greater expectations on large organizations (Green and Peloza 2014), participants felt that large and successful bands are expected to engage more, for example:

I think in many ways bigger bands have got the resources to do more in that side of things (social responsibility). I think they’ve almost got more responsibility to do more because they can. They can make choices about the way that they tour, the way they travel, the way they put on their stage show, whatever, that a smaller band might not or a lesser-known band might not have quite the same choice, you know. They might not be able to say, ‘well, I’m not going to play at that venue because I don’t like their practices.’ Because actually they need to do that gig to get the exposure. I would kind of expect it more of an established band than a smaller band. (F, 34)

Consumer Support for Social Responsibility in Music

While not all participants readily identified specific examples of socially responsible engagement in the music industry, several of our participants discussed a variety of activities that they defined as socially responsible (See Table 2 for the examples of socially responsible activities provided by the participants). In addition, we find several factors influence whether they respond positively or negatively to the socially responsible activities in the industry. These themes include the perceived authenticity for the engagement in social, ethical, and environmental causes and the integration of social responsibility into consumers’ leisure consumption compared to everyday purchase decisions.

Table 2 Participants’ identification of CSR activities
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The Influence of Perceived Artist Authenticity on Music Consumers

The respondents in this study observed that while they often had eclectic tastes in music, and that music was used in a variety of social as well as leisure-related situations, the responsiveness to and the acceptance of social responsibility as it pertains to music consumption relied heavily on perceptions of authenticity. Authenticity in this context refers to types of music genre where concerns of musicians related to social responsibility were perceived as ‘genuine’; the level of success of the musician or band, societal concerns and their relative authenticity; the extent to which there was a perceived ‘fit’ between the cause and the musician or band; and finally engagement with CSR projects as well as the relative locality of the event. The following section explores these notions of authenticity from the perspective of music consumers.

For many respondents, the social or ethical concerns of musicians were more authentic when the musical genre was not considered mainstream, for example:

I think there is a lot more passion with smaller bands but I think a lot of people sell out and all they care about is the money and these big chart topping people are usually pretty crap and just put [music] together for the sake of it. (F, 23)

The perception of authenticity extended beyond our participants’ views of the quality of music that certain genres produced and also influenced how they responded to successful musicians who try to encourage socially responsible behavior on the part of their fans:

A lot of the time it can seem disingenuous for some people to be so wealthy, so ridiculously wealthy….That is so disingenuous…if you can actually live your own life to make that happen and live your own way then yes people will follow but you have to lead if you want people to follow you. The vast majority of musicians and movie stars fail to take a lead on these things [social and environmental issues]. (M, 29)

Conversely, musicians who appeared to have less commercial success were considered to be more genuine in their messages regarding charitable causes or sustainability. This may be because the social distance between the respondent and musician appears to be reduced and as such the views of the respondent and the musician may be more akin (Youn and Kim 2008). Equally the perceived financial situation of these types of musicians would mean that as struggling artists themselves they may have greater empathy with social causes or societal concerns. In this situation, the consumer derives social value from socially responsible practices (Peloza and Shang 2011):

I was at one smaller gig where the singer mentioned that his CD cover was one of the cardboard ones, it wasn’t a plastic one…it was a cardboard CD and the lyrics sheet was folded up paper and it was tied on to the CD with a bit of garden string. And I showed it to my mum and she was like ‘how much did you pay for that? It doesn’t even look like a real CD.’ And I was like ‘but there’s no plastic, it’s all biodegradable.’ (F, 43)

Interestingly, this participant was conflicted regarding the purchase of music that espoused sustainable production. When asked if she would be more inclined to buy a cardboard CD packaging she replied: “No, I would just buy it if I wanted the music. I would still buy it if it was plastic”. The inconsistency here is comparable to behaviors recorded elsewhere in relation to CSR and consumption (e.g., Valor 2008) and reinforces the point that despite having a positive attitude toward CSR, the behaviors associated with socially responsible consumption are not constant.

Making Social Responsibility in Music Work

As with previous research (i.e.,Becker-Olsen et al. 2006), the perceived fit between the musician and cause being promoted influences perceptions of authenticity. One participant questioned the legitimacy of musicians highlighting issues of poverty when they have no financial concerns of their own. Similarly, the reason for musicians raising these issues is attributed to self-promotion:

It’s quite difficult when you see someone who earns God knows how many millions of pounds a year talking about, you know, the situation in Africa. It’s always quite difficult. I mean, what legitimacy do they have? And is it a way of them promoting themselves? (M, 25)

On the contrary, the authenticity of these socially responsible behaviors is enhanced where the cause is deemed to match the characteristics of the band or musician. For example, the American musician Macklemore was cited as being illustrative of a socially responsible artist based on his campaigning for equal rights and holding a ceremony to marry Gay and Lesbian couples as part of his Grammy Awards performance. As the musician experienced hostility at school as he was perceived to be homosexual, his promotion of equal rights reflects his own understandings and he is applauded for this behavior:

I like what Macklemore is doing in terms of campaigning for Gay and Lesbian rights. I think he organized with Queen Latifah, at the Grammys show where they married 33 couples during his love song which is for that cause in front of audiences of million and millions. I think the outcome of that and putting in the effort to do it and along with Queen Latifah is a very good and positive thing…. I think they are blatantly putting it in their (the audience’s) faces and marrying these people, while you are watching it makes it more normal. I guess he thinks that’s his social responsibility and his use of fame. I think it is a good and worthwhile cause. (M, 25)

Musicians are also considered to be more authentic in their promotion of social causes where they are actively involved in these behaviors themselves. For example, although one of our participants here expresses frustration at one of his favorite bands for their seemingly repetitive promotion of homelessness and the implications therein, he recognizes that they have legitimacy to locally campaign for this particular social cause:

Rage Against the Machine are one [who are socially responsible], I really like their music but sometimes I am like ‘ah here lads shut up will you.’ They do things themselves in fairness, they are getting their finger out not just talking which is a different story. I think they got arrested for some stupid reason like it is illegal to feed the homeless. They were feeding them though, doing it themselves rather than just saying help the homeless on the stage and then going back to their lovely houses. They actually did go out and physically help (M, 27)

A final theme that emerged with regard to the perceived authenticity related to individual artists’ and bands engagement in CSR activities. As previously noted, music consumers encounter several brands simultaneously including bands, record labels, organizations such as retailers and digital channels (i.e., iTunes), and venue operators. We find that when individual bands engaged in socially responsible behavior, they were viewed more positively when compared to corporate members of the music industry. This finding is consistent with the previous research that suggests the musicians themselves are viewed as being “at the core of the musical brand (Kubacki and Croft 2004, p. 577).”

Yeah I think they [musicians] would have more of an invested interest in social responsibility than corporations. I think an organization [such as a record label], not everyone in that organization can feel the same way toward, not all of them can feel that way toward something, it is a sort of business angle they are aiming toward, whereas a group of smaller people, like a band with 4 people surely has a common thing of wanting to support a certain cause so I think that goes back to my believing in them. (F, 22)

Playing the Wrong Note: The Response to Socially Irresponsible Behavior

Beyond the authenticity of the artist and the authenticity of CSR practices in the music industry the data also revealed that the morality of musicians and/or their agents were often questioned by respondents. The extant research that has examined the influence of socially irresponsible behavior on consumers has found, that in many cases, negative behavior results in a much stronger response by consumers as compared to socially responsible behavior (i.e., Carrigan and Attalla 2001; Folkes and Kamins 1999; Creyer and Ross 1997). The influence of irresponsible behavior on our sample is an emerging theme that was not initially intended to be included in our discussion. However, examples of irresponsible behavior were cited by a number of our participants and were consistent with prior research; the negative behavior in the music industry often overshadowed the positive elements (i.e., Creyer and Ross 1997). A fairly common finding among our participants is that the industry supported the use of sexually explicit material and drug use in various forms including music videos and live performances. For example:

I think a lot about the music industry, and I don’t know whether this is because I’ve just turned into a complete old bag now, but I really don’t like watching the music channels with the videos because I find them so (sexually) explicit and quite obnoxious. And I can’t really watch them for longer than 5 s (F, 45).

She (Miley Cyrus) is just growing up as a young woman. And I do kind of see it from a business point of view, that sex, unfortunately, sells, and the drama gets her there…Maybe she’s not like that and she’s just doing this because it makes good business sense. But yeah, I suppose as much as she’s growing up and growing into this young woman, her fans have grown up as well, and it would not be acceptable for them to do some of the things that they do and to smoke a joint on the European Music Awards (EMAs), I just thought it was unnecessary…she does have that responsibility to other people. And people that say “I didn’t come into this to be a role model.” It’s like “but you knew you’d be in the public eye. So you know you are.” (F, 23)

In addition to being concerned about the trends in the industry related to the overt use of sexual and drug-related imagery, several participants also felt that individual music festivals exhibited socially irresponsible behavior as it relates to their environmental impact. Previous research has provided guidance on how festival operators can make their festivals more eco-friendly (i.e., Laing and Frost 2010). However, the following discussion suggests our participants do not believe the organizers are doing enough to minimize the environmental impact:

I accept the fact there’s going to be disposable things but if they’ve got litter bins… I went to one thing once on Glasgow Green, it was a concert, and I hated it. There were no bins. Or if there were bins they were full in 5 min, so everybody just had to drop, and all the beer was just in plastic cups, it was just a sea of plastic. It really turned my stomach and I’ve never been back to something at Glasgow Green since. I think it was sponsored by Tenants Brewery (F, 43)

There’s nothing worse than coming into an arena and then as you’re leaving, seeing the huge waste of bottles and cups and everything and everyone just dropping everything on the ground and leaving. It’s so depressing. So even if it was about just helping people to be aware that that’s not cool kind of thing (F, 33)

The identification of such socially irresponsible behaviors can of course be linked directly to the curtailment of the individual’s music consumption experience. The reality is that for many of the participants, enjoyment and pleasure comes first, often at the expense of more altruistic motivations.

Comparing ‘Every-day’ and ‘Leisure’ Spaces of Consumption

It has been established already that the level of support regarding socially responsible consumption of music and the socially responsible actions of producers of music is equivocal across our sample. Additionally, most interviewees responded favorably to suggestions that musicians should use their fame in a socially responsible manner. Yet, regardless of deep-seated expectations concerning musician activism, most of the respondents believe that such considerations should not interfere with their leisure time and enjoyment of music consumption. This section explores the differences between spaces of music consumption and more routine consumer practices through the lens of ethical consumer decision-making considerations.

Part of me sort of thinks I can see why they should be socially responsible and try to spread the message and what have you. People look up to them and I get all of that. Equally I think “I don’t want to go to a concert to be preached at.” If I’m going, I’m going because I want to listen to the music or I want to see the play. I don’t want a lecture. I don’t want to be preached at…That’s not really what I’m buying into. And I guess I get a tad annoyed…I’ve been to see U2 and Bono does an awful lot of that. And it does just get a little bit annoying because you think ‘you’re almost putting yourself on a bit of a pedestal and saying ‘I’m wonderful and I do all of this and you all need to give us your money and you need to be doing it too.’ And I think there are so many charities, and he’s sort of assuming you do nothing. I do, but I do it on my terms….And I could do more, we could all do more. But I don’t come to a concert for you to preach to me about social responsibility. I’m fairly responsible. Yeah, it would quite annoy me, I think. Time and a place. (F, 42).

Participants expressed particular dissatisfaction with musicians who ‘preached’ or ‘lectured’ to them during concerts. However, this annoyance with musicians also extends to other aspects of music consumption, particularly the visibility of their favorite musicians in mass media.

I might see him [Bono] on the television and change the channel because every time he talks (respondent attempts to replicate Bono’s accent), ‘now I want to take a moment to talk to you about atrocities in wherever’…c’mon Bono these people want to hear you belt out the bangers [music hits]. (M, 27)

He’s fantastic [Bono]… But his political views, you know, and that’s, I suppose, is separate from charity, but he pushes them on people a lot. You read or you see things and he gets himself into trouble and you kind of go, you know, there’s a time and place. (F, 41)

Participants frequently refer to a ‘time and a place’ in which musicians should engage in ‘socially responsible’ discourse. However, only two of the participants indicate where this supposed time and place is for more established artists by suggesting ‘charity gigs.’ There is however an indication from the respondents that they are more open to engagement in socially responsible practices and discourses from smaller local bands/events. While previous research suggests that consumers express little interest in socially responsible aspects of small businesses (Hillary 2000), the current research mirrors more recent findings that reveals consumers are interested and willing to support small business social responsibility such as local bands engaging in support for charities (Green and Peloza 2014).

In addition, the respondents see music consumption as a means of escape from the routine of everyday life. They use phrases such as ‘letting the hair down’ and ‘switching off’ to emphasize the importance of this time to relax and have fun:

I think you have to be, you know, in the zone to think about it [the environmental impact of the music festival] (M, 37).

Elias and Dunning (2008) argue that spaces of leisure have become more important in a society in which social relationships have become increasingly routinized. These spaces offer individuals the chance to generate and release emotional tension with modes of behavior that are usually considered socially shameful or unacceptable outside the spaces of leisure. Sinclair and Dolan (forthcoming) have demonstrated the importance of these liminal spaces for facilitating a sense of escape and emotional emancipation in music consumption. Interestingly in this research, consumers also see spaces of music consumption as spaces in which normal societal pressures to be more ‘ethical’ in consumption and more engaging with socially responsible matters ease or become less important. This thesis is particularly illuminating when we consider some of the distinctions that participants make in their everyday consumption (e.g., weekly food shop) in comparison to the leisure time and music consumption.

I think it’s maybe more so on the everyday goods because that music concert or whatever that you spend a lot of money on is a one-off event, and you do it for the enjoyment and satisfaction you get out of it. And yes you think about it again, but that’s kind of as far as it goes, and the memories. But your everyday thing, it sits with you more and you see it everyday. Like you see your washing powder or whatever that you’re using. And you’re reminded more of its impact. (F, 23)

Many of the respondents incorporate the ethical qualities or failures of products/services as a key factor in their decision making for everyday goods. Such considerations have become routine and are identified as more important because of the fact that they are consumed everyday as opposed to music consumption which tends to involve one-off purchases. What is interesting is that many of the participants suggest they are influenced more by ethical considerations for everyday purchases because they feel a greater sense of involvement as well as experiencing a greater impact. This directly contradicts with previous research which suggests consumers respond more positively to hedonic products than utilitarian products (see Strahilevitz and Myers 1998).

It’s much more obvious and you’re thinking about it more frequently because you’re making those decisions more frequently. So certainly in terms of things like– let’s pick a basic example, packaging. Packaging, supermarket stuff I will attempt to, you know, the old reduce, reuse, and recycle mantra. You can get the mushrooms in the plastic tub or you can get the ones in the paper bag and paper bag will be fine because you can just throw it in the compost afterwards…Certainly more important day-to-day … It feels like something you can make more of an impact with, it’s more direct. I think because you’re there for an experience of the music or the film or the ballet or whatever it is you’re there for, I think you’re in one particular mindset and you only notice environmentally related matters if they’re really in your face. (M, 37)

Contrary to this is that the consumption of leisure and music can become routinized in many people’s lives so surely the same ethical considerations can be incorporated into leisure and music consumption practices.

I think there probably is a difference between every day brands and leisure. I mean, I think for the leisure thing I would probably make a bit more of an effort, you know. Although it might not persuade me not to go, I might make more of an effort for that because of the nature of what it’s supposed to be about. You know, it’s supposed to be of a higher status. It’s supposed to hold itself up to higher standards, being a cultural event. It’s supposed to be respectful of nature and the context which it is in. (M, 25)

Conclusions and Implications

While there has been a significant contribution to research that has examined the consumer response to CSR and the consumer approach to music consumption separately, thus far both literatures have not been examined using an integrated approach. This study explored the role of social responsibility on the consumption of music and in doing so allows for a better understanding of the types of activities that consumers associate with being a socially responsible music consumer. This is both from the perspective of their individual behaviors and their expectations of music artists and the music industry per se. Furthermore, we explore how CSR activities, which a variety of stakeholders in the music industry engage in, ultimately influence music consumption decisions. Additionally, we have identified several aspects of the music industry that are deemed to be both socially responsible and irresponsible by a sample of consumers.

The current study provides greater insight into previous findings in both the CSR and music consumption literatures. Specifically, this study provides a key boundary condition on previous CSR research that suggests hedonic products perform better compared to utilitarian products when combined with a socially responsible message or activity. The research to date comparing the consumer response to CSR messages paired with either hedonic products or utilitarian products included hedonic food products such as ice cream (Strahilevitz and Myers 1998) and chocolate (Peloza et al. 2013). While the participants in the current study were not asked to directly compare music to the hedonic products examined in previous research, considerable research suggests that hedonic products often result in consumers feeling guilty over their indulgences. However, while music consumption was similarly seen as a product that is pleasurable and offers an escape from day-to-day routine, our participants did not typically experience guilt. While some participants expressed some feelings of guilt when downloading music illegally, most participants did not associate guilt with the purchase of recorded music or when attending live music events. As a result, the inclusion of a CSR-related message or activity attached to a music purchase was not something that was deemed necessary in order to alleviate guilt.

In addition, our study allows for an examination of the execution of the CSR-related message. For example, we find that musicians were perceived as interfering with concert-goers enjoyment of a live music show by focusing on social messages. The previous research examining the influence of product did not examine how the CSR message was delivered to the consumer but rather whether the product being paired with a CSR activity was hedonic or utilitarian. We also find that consistent with previous research (i.e., Brunk 2010; Green and Peloza 2014), consumers consider the size of the organization when evaluating and ultimately deciding whether to support CSR engagement or not. Specifically, we find that consumers often view supporting local musicians through both live and recorded music purchases as a form of SRCB. The in-depth exploration of music consumption and social responsibility offers a better understanding of when and why consumers respond positively or negatively to the integration of CSR and a specific hedonic product, music.

We also identify the level of perceived authenticity of the artist, band, or organization engaged in the socially responsible behavior as a key underlying mechanism that determines the positive or negative response to such behavior. The emphasis on authenticity concurs with previous research on music consumption that suggests fans distinguish artists (and by proxy themselves) through demonstrations of legitimacy and their relationship with mainstream media (Thornton 1995). Consequently, the key to promoting socially responsible behavior is to engage with consumers on this level by the creative and authentic means that attracted the consumer to the music in the first place. However, as we have argued, this is problematic. Many of the participants indicate that their music consumption takes place in spaces where they are reluctant to engage in such behaviors at it curtails their enjoyment, negates the purpose of ‘escapism.’ Importantly, the perceived authenticity of the musician engaged in a CSR-related campaign is not of particular relevance to the products (i.e., ice cream and chocolate) that have been previously examined in the CSR research comparing hedonic and utilitarian products. Accordingly, music consumption provides a unique lens to examine the combination of CSR and hedonic products.

The current research is a first step toward better understanding how CSR engagement influences music consumers. As a result, this research presents a variety of opportunities to better understand this area. Firstly, the consumption of music and the role of ethics and social responsibility on consumption decisions have significant overlap across the themes and motivations examined. For example, music consumption and socially responsible consumption decisions are often driven by the social value afforded to consumers. Specifically, previous research has noted the role of social value provided to consumers via SRCB such as purchasing environmentally friendly products and donating to charitable organizations (i.e., Youn and Kim 2008). The social value provided to consumers when supporting CSR activities includes self-presentation concerns (i.e., White and Peloza 2009), attainment of social status (i.e., Griskevicius et al. 2010), and the communication of identity to others (Youn and Kim 2008).

Researchers also note that specific types of products provide consumers with a greater opportunity to derive social value from CSR activities. For example, Peloza and Shang (2011) note that symbolic products provide consumers with an opportunity to express their social identity to others. Specifically, through the purchase of socially responsible products, consumers are afforded the opportunity to publicly express their support for a social or environmental issue. As suggested by Larsen et al. (2010), “music, like, all products, has the ability to carry and communicate cultural or symbolic meaning, which is used by individuals in identity construction (p. 672).” Future research could explore whether and how these differing types of social value (e.g., impression management, affiliation etc.) associate with and influence SRCB through the social and symbolic context of both recorded and live music purchases. This lens will be of significant interest in the context of live music events such as music festivals.

Secondly, musicians such as Bono, Paul McCartney, Willie Nelson, and Madonna are regularly cited as being among the most charitable celebrities partnering with over 135 charitable organizations between them (The Daily Beast 2014). Future research could explore specific CSR engagement by members of the music industry to better understand how these partnerships develop and the success factors that lead to consumer adoption and support for these partnerships. The work of Peloza and Falkenberg (2009) identifies the various forms of company and cause partnerships that exist. For example, firms engage in philanthropy either individually or in partnerships with other companies. In addition, they can also collaborate with individual versus multiple non-profit organizations. Peloza and Falkenberg (2009) suggest that partnerships that involve several firms and non-profits are best suited when these collaborations seek to address “meta-problems” that extend beyond the scope of a single organization. Thus far, various forms of collaboration between musicians and non-profit organizations have taken place providing a unique context through which to explore when and how these collaborations work best. For example, is the Farm Aid partnership between several popular musicians such as Neil Young and Dave Matthews the most ideal form of collaboration? Alternatively is the development of charitable foundations such as Pearl Jam’s Vitalogy Foundation that partners with multiple non-profits leading to better societal outcomes a more appropriate approach?

In addition, future research that seeks to better understand how the existing CSR reputation of several stakeholders simultaneously influence consumers will provide valuable insight. For example, the participants in the current research suggested that they seek to support small and local music talent. However, it is unclear whether they would support local talent by attending a corporate-sponsored music festival with a reputation for being socially irresponsible. In fact, previous research has found festivals that have well-established reputations for integrating socially responsible aspects do not actively seek a line-up of musicians that mirrors the overall socially responsible message of the festival (Laing and Frost 2010). Through the use of experimental design studies, the manipulation of variables such as the existing social responsibility reputation of the various members of the music industry (i.e., individual artists, record labels, venue operators and festival organizers) will provide a more nuanced understanding of how consumers respond to social responsibility in the industry.

Finally, the advent of social media has been particularly influential in raising awareness of the socially responsible practices of musicians, completely altering the music consumer/producer dynamic. Although it can be argued that the supposed reduction in barriers between musicians and fans is somewhat illusory, Baym (2012, p. 288) maintains that what cannot be disputed is that “social media have changed the relational expectations audiences have for public figures.” Although Band Aid, mentioned at the outset of this paper, has already developed similar levels of success in raising money and awareness of social issues in Africa as previous versions of the charity single (1984; 2004), the public reaction has been much more instantaneous and the discourse has been much more volatile because of the visibility and scope of social media. This has ranged from criticisms of the lyrics (Withnall 2014) and its portrayal of West Africa to the potentially ‘questionable’ motives of many of the musicians that are involved (Siddique 2014). This is something that has to be taken into greater consideration in any future research on the relationship between music production/consumption and the promotion of social responsibility.