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The Enlightenment and Influence of Social Contract Theory on Taxation

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Political Philosophy and Taxation

Abstract

This chapter considers some of the most important political philosophers of the Enlightenment (taken as broad concept) – thinkers whose reflections on the idea of a social contract we relate to their views on taxation. Hobbes argues for an (almost) absolute political sovereignty and legal authority and corresponding obedience of citizens constituted by the social contract. For Hobbes, taxes are justified as the price of security. He advocates the benefit theory of taxation, best measured by consumption. The same goes for Locke, although for him the social contract serves to guarantee the individual’s property rights which embody his liberty. Taxes are the price of the protection of the right to property. Both Montesquieu and Hume do not have need for a social contract: man living in societies is a fact of life. Their focus is on legitimate government rather than sovereignty and obedience. Hume inherently adheres to the benefit theory of taxation as paying tax is contributing to society on which one depends to survive. Montesquieu is a proponent of indirect taxation, though he considers progressive taxation and a subsistence minimum which must not to be taxed. For him, tax fairness is a contextual affair, since taxation should be relative to a given form of government. Rousseau radicalises the notion of the social contract which is a device to protect an equal freedom for all. He transposes the emerging new ideal of equality to taxation which not only is to enable government to protect its citizens, but also to consider their subsistence. Taxes should enhance liberty and equality (distributive justice). Thus, progressive taxation based on the ability to pay is put on the agenda. Rousseau’s popular sovereignty was self-evident for Paine, the Federalists and Anti-Federalists alike. Paine argued for a more radical redistribution as taxes should pay for welfare provision which was part of his proposals for reform. Both the Federalists and Anti-Federalists elaborated on Montesquieu’s plea for the separation and distribution of powers, but unlike Montesquieu, their take focus was on multi-level governance. Like the other theorists, they approached taxation from their political-philosophical perspective.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The cited letter is Letter to Jean Le Clerc (1706), quoted in Rand (2010 [1900], 353).

  2. 2.

    The term is derived from the Roman use of a wax tablet (tabula), which was made of wood and covered with a layer of wax for writing on, which could be scraped and smoothed for reuse, getting rid of what had gone before. Given the political situations through which Locke lived, this fundamental underlying meaning of the term adds a further dimension.

  3. 3.

    Ashcraft (1994, 258), however, comments on “the radical nature of Locke’s moves against contemporary arguments for political, epistemological, and religious authority”.

  4. 4.

    The scholarship on Locke is extensive, and many works are of great value. See, for instance, Gough (1956); Grant (1987).

  5. 5.

    See the discussion by Macpherson (1951), Rapaczynski (1981) and Arneil (1996, 132–167).

  6. 6.

    It should be remembered that ‘taxes’ at the date of Locke’s writing would primarily mean land tax and hearth tax, not excise or customs duties, the latter only predominating from the late 1690s, most probably reflecting their popularity in The Netherlands and the influence of William III, although the English were familiar with excises and customs duties, which generated substantial revenues.

  7. 7.

    It is fair to comment that Locke’s justification of the right to private property on these principles continues to be the subject of academic debate (see Snape and Frecknall-Hughes 2017, 13–15). See also the thorough analysis of Locke’s basic argument/tenets by Shrader-Frechette (1993), McClelland (1996, 229–248) and Haworth (2004, 117–133).

  8. 8.

    Much has been written on the nature and meaning of this ‘tacit’ consent, and also of the consent of the majority. See, for example, Dunn (1967), Bennett (1979) and Russell (1986).

  9. 9.

    It is commonly remarked that such a bargain or contract was never explicit. However, Pollock (1908, 108) makes the point that there is historical evidence to support such contracts being formal compacts between rulers and subjects, not least in the case of the Magna Carta , and notes as well that the Pilgrim Fathers, for instance, made a formal covenant for a body politic. Pollock cites the latter example from Hobbes, but does not give the reference to Hobbes’s work for this.

  10. 10.

    The multi-volume Encyclopédie aimed to present a comprehensive overview of “all aspects of human endeavour and achievement, showing the progress of man in the newly liberated environment of universal reason and Enlightenment” ( Dent 1992, 111). The philosophes were a new phenomenon. They represented a new force in history: men of letters acting in concert, who wanted to put their ideas “to use, to persuade, propagandize, and change the world” around them (Darnton 1997).

  11. 11.

    Indeed, Cobban (1960, 39) comments that many other thinkers can be charged with inconsistency. See also, for example, Day (1966) and Cherno (1957, 51) on Locke.

  12. 12.

    The text referred to from Part I and Part II is an online edition, freely available. While it does not have page numbers per se, it is easy to identify specific page numbers from the online version.

  13. 13.

    A tax on the raw ingredients which were used in brewing beer, most typically malt, would have meant that all brewers of beer, regardless of whether they sold the end product or not, could have borne the tax alike, but this does not seem to have been thought of at the time.

  14. 14.

    The commutation tax was so named after the Commutation Act of 1784, whereby William Pitt the Younger reduced the tax on tea from 119% to 12.5%, to end the punitive rates, which had promoted smuggling.

  15. 15.

    These rates are expressed in the pre-decimal currency used in the UK before 1971 – pounds (sterling, denoted by £), shillings (denoted by s) and pence (denoted by d), with 20 shillings to £1 and 12 pennies (or pence) to 1 s.

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Gribnau, H., Frecknall-Hughes, J. (2022). The Enlightenment and Influence of Social Contract Theory on Taxation. In: van Brederode, R.F. (eds) Political Philosophy and Taxation. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-1092-0_2

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