Abstract
This chapter is focused on analysing the processes and elements that have shaped the particular neopatrimonial and authoritarian nature of the Uzbek state, from its origins and early consolidation under Karimov to the transformations during Mirziyoyev’s presidency. These factors have predominantly developed in the domestic sphere, due to the high degree of autonomy from outside influence of Uzbek authorities and elite networks, compared to other Central Asian cases, such as Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan or Turkmenistan. This tendency may vary in the future, if the development strategy of “openness” started by President Mirziyoyev is finally consolidated.
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Notes
- 1.
Sluzhba Natsionalnoy Bezopasnosti in Russian, while the official Uzbek name is Milliy Xavfsizlik Xizmati (MXX).
- 2.
Raidertsvo occurs, for example, when people close to government agents receive help from law enforcement agencies to force business owners to sell their assets and property at a price well below market value.
- 3.
After the imprisonment of 23 businessmen, for whom a significant part of the local population worked, hundreds of protesters—who attempted an armed assault of the prison—were violently dispersed by the security forces; which ended with 187 dead, according to the authorities. However, the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE-ODIHR 2005‚ 2006) raised the number of deaths to between 300 and 500, while the International Crisis Group (2005) placed it at 750. According to other sources, the figure may be even higher. A deserter from the Uzbek SNB, Ikrom Yakubov, stated it was 1,500 (Donovan 2008). Anonymous police officers assured the Institute for War and Peace Reporting that, counting the repression of the following days, the figure could be as high as 4,500 (Uzmanova 2005).
- 4.
State-building is the process by which “the authority to create a structural framework of rules through which collectively binding decisions are made and enforced” is established (Grzymala-Busse and Jones Luong 2002: 531). This definition, which emphasizes state authority and the ability to enforce laws, updates Mann’s (1986) influential work, in which the state’s despotic power, based on controlling decision-making, is distinguished from its infrastructural power, based on its power of implementation.
- 5.
Fisun (2007) relies on the theory of sultanism by Chehabi and Linz (1998) to distinguish between sultanistic, oligarchic and bureaucratic neopatrimonialism. However, Guliyev (2011) proposes a typology of structures of state authority—personalist regime, institutional patronage and legal-bureaucratic regime—that is terminologically more flexible. Furthermore, it is especially appropriate when analysing Central Asian states that, like the case of Kyrgyzstan, are difficult to label as sultanistic or oligarchic, but nevertheless fit into the category of institutional patronage.
- 6.
Most political scientists consider that neopatrimonialism can exist under authoritarian or hybrid regimes, but not in liberal democracies. However, there are some exceptions, such as Pitcher et al. (2009).
- 7.
Dzhurabekov, however, held a position as an adviser to Karimov until 2004, when he was dismissed on charges of membership in a criminal organization.
- 8.
According to the US Treasury Department, Rakhimov acts on behalf of the Bratski Krug (Circle of Brothers), the largest criminal and drug trafficking organization in Eurasia; he is especially associated with heroin trafficking. Apart from other legal business activities, he also chairs the Asian Boxing Confederation and was president of the International Boxing Association (AIBA) until his resignation in 2019, forced by pressure from the International Olympic Committee. He declared that he has “never been involved in transnational criminal organisations or whatever has been said about me”, and argues that he was framed by his political enemies in Uzbekistan, who “provided all the false allegations about me to the US Department of the Treasury” (US Department of Treasury 2012; Iveson 2020; France 24 2018).
- 9.
In a telegram published by Wikileaks (2011), originally from 2006, the former US ambassador in Uzbekistan, Jon Purnell described Abduvaliyev as one of the “heads of the criminal world” in the country, so close to the ruling elite that he could trade with the appointments of senior officials, and even decide on some ministerial posts.
- 10.
After the 2005 Andijan events, Almatov was dismissed from his post. In December 2016, he became the Chairman of the State Anti-Corruption Commission of Uzbekistan. On 27 February 2018, he was appointed as special adviser to the Interior Minister of Uzbekistan (TsentrAzia 2018).
- 11.
Years later, in 2013, he would be replaced by former Deputy Interior Minister Adham Ahmedbaev, who had also worked at the SNB and was part of the Tashkent clan. His appointment was interpreted as a sign of Inoyatov’s influence Snow (2016).
- 12.
Batyr Rakhimov was the owner of a tungsten deposit in Jizzaj and a cooking oil factory in Namangan, as well as a co-owner of Kapitol Bank, along with his brother Bakhtiyor. He was arrested on charges of illegal business and tax evasion, and was released on bail, which allegedly ranged from 100,000 to one million US dollars (Uznews 2010a).
- 13.
More than 50 people that were in prison on politically motivated charges, including human rights activists, journalists and peaceful opposition activists, have been released. Among them, journalists Yusuf Ruzimuradov and Muhammad Bekjanov, jailed for 19 and 18 years, respectively, also, the political dissident and first vice chairman of Parliament after independence, Samandar Kukanov, imprisoned for 23 years.
- 14.
In Uzbek, Davlat Xavfsizlik Xizmati; in Russian, Sluzhba Gosudarstvennoi Bezopasnosti, often romanized as SGB.
- 15.
Both the current prime minister Abdulla Aripov and first deputy prime minister Achilbay Ramatov worked under Mirziyoyev when he was premier. As was mentioned above, Aripov was fired in 2012 after the Procuracy accusation of colluding with Gulnara Karimova in a corruption case. Another example is former Tashkent mayor Kozim Tulaganov, sentenced to 20 years in 2006 for economic crimes, who became deputy chairman of the Committee for Architecture and Construction. It is also worth mentioning the head of the presidential administration, Zainilobiddin Nizomiddinov, who was under Mirziyoyev’s orders before 2016.
- 16.
Two people can be highlighted in this category: the tycoon Jahongir Ortiqxo´jayev, who was appointed acting mayor of Tashkent in 2018, directly by Mirziyoyev; and the Russian oligarch of Uzbek descent, Alisher Usmanov, also associated with local tycoon Pattokh Shodiyev.
- 17.
Senior officials that fit into that profile: Ruslandek Davletov, minister of Justice; Jamshid Kuchkarov, minister of Finance; Sherzod Shermatov, acting minister for Development of Information Technologies and Communications; Sardor Umurzakov, minister for Investment and Foreign Trade.
- 18.
Mirziyoyev appointed two sons-in-law: Otabek Umarov—deputy head of the Presidential Security Service—and Oybek Tursunov, deputy head of the Presidential Administration. The latter’s father, Batyr Tursunov, holds a senior position in the National Guard. Mirziyoyev’s daughter and Umarov’s wife, Shahnoza Mirziyoyeva, is also deputy head of the Department for Preschool Educational Institutions at the Ministry of Education. Mirziyoyev’s other daughter, Saida, is deputy director of the Agency for Information and Mass Communications.
- 19.
Mirziyoyev relocated critical potential political rivals such as Inoyatov and Azimov, but also other senior officials like the former minister of Emergency Situations, Tursinkhan Khudaibergenov—today, adviser on law enforcement; Zilemkhan Khaidarov, who moved from one position to other within the presidential administration; and Khayridden Sultanov, who still is presidential speech-writer but not State Councilor for Culture, Press and Creative Organizations (Lemon 2019).
- 20.
Mirziyoyev introduced a law fighting corruption which resulted in court proceedings against 1,566 officials only in the first six months of 2017 (Lemon 2019: 6).
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Ruiz-Ramas, R., Morales Hernández, J. (2021). Uzbekistan’s Neopatrimonial State and Authoritarian Regime: From Karimov to Mirziyoyev. In: Izquierdo-Brichs, F., Serra-Massansalvador, F. (eds) Political Regimes and Neopatrimonialism in Central Asia. The Steppe and Beyond: Studies on Central Asia. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-9093-1_4
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