Abstract
On those rare occasions when mainstream economists examine labels, they fail to recognize the politics involved in labelling. In contrast, this chapter examines labels as a place where ‘third parties’ intervene in establishing market structures within which transactions are conducted. Using the case of food labels, it notes that many actors are involved in their design and production including processors, governments, Private Voluntary Organizations, Standards Development Organizations and retailers. Moreover, as Boltanski and Thévenot have suggested, each of these actors appeals to one or more worlds to justify why certain texts, logos, pictures, etc., should appear on labels. Actual labels have limited space and conceal the conflicts among these diverse positions. Several labels are discussed to illustrate the conflicts involved. It is concluded that by paying greater attention to labels the largely invisible actions of numerous ‘third parties’ can be revealed.
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Notes
- 1.
Le constat est d’importance: l’emballage, loin d’être un espace où s’exprimerait librement un seul et même locuteur (le producteur par exemple), est plutôt un forum, un lieu public d’expression où se croisent, s’articulent et se bousculent une foule de messages différents.
- 2.
An exception is Bonroy and Constantatos (2015) who call specifically for a political economy of labels.
- 3.
I note in passing that the pharmaceutical world also treats non-therapeutic effects of drugs as ‘side effects.’ However, the very fact that these effects are well-known and clearly develop from the use of a given drug shows that they are part and parcel of the drug. Calling them ‘side effects’ merely brackets the problems involved.
- 4.
- 5.
While the public was horrified at the food preparation practices in the meat packing industry, they were not particularly concerned about those working there. It took unionization to improve working conditions and pay.
- 6.
The serial number was furnished by the government, but the guarantee was from the processor. The erroneous implication was that the guarantee was from the government. The Secretary of Agriculture found the practice to be deceptive and issued an advisory against it (Fortin, personal communication, 2016).
- 7.
For an overview of the strategies used by members of this organisation, see Wolcott (1941).
- 8.
Note that the value of the logo depends on consumers’ understanding what the logo stands for.
- 9.
Note that supermarkets often advertise fresh fruits as being of Chilean origin, while they rarely do the same for Mexican fruit. This is undoubtedly because Chile has managed to do a much better job of protecting against contamination than has Mexico.
- 10.
In this sense, for fresh products, the product itself becomes its own label.
- 11.
It should be noted that canned products initially were seen as luxury goods, only available to those who could afford them. See, e.g., Levenstein (1988).
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Busch, L. (2020). Contested Terrain: The Ongoing Struggles over Food Labels, Standards and Standards for Labels. In: Laurent, B., Mallard, A. (eds) Labelling the Economy. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-1498-2_2
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