Abstract
Coastal Karnataka’s rapidly urbanising South Canara reveals a substantive conceptual agenda for the SUBURBIN project. This chapter makes three interrelated arguments exploring its territories as multiple epistemologies: First, their multiple logics are socially and institutionally embedded in complex configurations to form relational spaces. Second, land, as both a site and a realm, embodies history, forms of property control and transfer, cultural meanings built on geography to shape economy. Third, these logics can be relatively autonomous, at times contesting in relationships. The substantive part of the chapter opens with ideas of sacredness. It reveals South Canara as a site constituted of guardian sprits and spirit possession, and deeply imbibed in real estate practices. An analysis of transport and connectivity, following this section, traces their evolution since the early 1930s to emphasise how ethnics and families lobby to engage with higher public authorities on issues of regulation and infrastructure. The third part focuses on the fishing economy as a transnational space—a reminder of this region’s trading history with East Africa, SE Asia and China. Economy is embedded and, similar to transport, shaped by ethnic aspects. This read of South Canara can be seen to be a stringent critique of the New Economic Geography (NEG) that is not only dehistoricised but also oblivious to material constructs shaped by complex institutional and cultural spaces.
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Notes
- 1.
The Bunts, including some Jains, comprise the Hedge or the Chieftain land owning group, supported by other middle level castes who used to form their militia.
- 2.
Coastal Karnataka is composed of several districts: Kodagu, Dakshina Canara, Uttara Canara. The Bunt community consists of groups with family names such as Hegde and Shetty, which are part of a larger community of other non-Brahmin groups such as the Mogaveeras (fishing community), Billavas (toddy tappers and archer militia) and Poojari (priests). The other local ethnic groups include other Madhava and Brahmins, the Konkani Catholics, and the Goud Saraswat Brahmins, who speak Konkona and are distinct from the Catholic speaking Konkanis. The Goud Saraswat Brahmins or GSB moved south from Goa, encouraged to leave by the Portuguese.
- 3.
Because of the limitations of space, this chapter does not discuss a fourth logic—the SEZs and megaprojects—as those frames remain the dominant focus of research as discussed in the conclusion to this chapter.
- 4.
“Aliya-santana” is practiced within non-Brahmin communities. Ancestral lineage is traced through female lineage but, as in the Dravidian bali, when a woman marries she moves to her husband’s household, giving her “hold over” landed property to her maternal uncle or sister’s son. If her husband dies, after the 13th day following the death the woman (and her son/daughter) returns to her own house and takes charge of the property which meanwhile was maintained by her brother. In this system the niece (and the nephew via the “holding” form) have an important role in the continuation of the property. The continuation of property claims is enshrined in the Bhoota that represents the “title”. See: Hegde B (2012) “Aliyasantana”—Where the accent is on women, http://www.deccanherald.com/content/257244/aliyasantana-accent-women.html and Hebbar (2005) The Bunts of Tulu Nadu http://www.boloji.com/index.cfm?md=Content&sd=Articles&ArticleID=838.
- 5.
Of these, the most interesting and controversial have been the mulagani and chalageni tenancies, the former being recognized by the Karnataka State Legislature as the Karnataka Mulageni Athava Volamulageni Genidararige Malikathvavannu Pradana Maduva Vidheyaka in 2011. The study of tenure forms is still pertinent, but as this chapter emphasizes, other logics emerge in sharper relief.
- 6.
See Carrin and Tambs-Lyche (2003) and Carrin (2008, 2009) for a detailed account of the types of spirits and also “new mediums” to reflect more contemporary situations. Carrin (2008: 183–186) notes that: “… The story of Bobbarya, the sailor bhuta, helps to understand how north and south, forest and coast area, autochthons and foreigners are integrated in an ideal order defined by the figures of the bhutas. … Bobbarya is known as the god of the sea and worshipped mostly by the members of the fishermen communities (Karve and Mogaveera). He is the soul of a young man born of a Muslim father and a Jain mother…he exemplifies all the oppositions we find in Tulunadu today: Muslims as well as Hindus attend his kola…”.
- 7.
If a lower caste group at the Kola, such as the Billaawa (armed bowmen/toddy tappers) chose to “step out” of their particular location, the entire possession ritual comes to a grinding halt—as the change of position calls into question the legitimacy and power of the chieftain who funds the event.
- 8.
Carrin (2008: 181) makes an important point illustrating her argument about South Canara’s “autochthony” in that land reforms have not “…ended the responsibilities of landlords towards their bhutas. From an ideological point of view, the bhuta cult enables the Bunt who possess wealth and prestige to control the political and moral order of the society as they have a very close link to the bhuta of their land who is also the village bhuta of their (previous) tenants. Even if this link is weakened by the land reforms, Bunts still occupy a dominant position.”.
- 9.
He explained how groups of all faiths, including Muslims, rich traders embarking on real estate like any common man, hire a Billava priest to check the land out and whether they can calm the disturbed naga by offering a puja at the shrine of Kukke Subramanya located deep in the Western Ghats. Shetty laments that the intensity of this “checking out” is such these days that Muslims and Christians are exploited by Brahmin priests who conduct a simple puja to the extent that now “…you can move the naaga and sanity can be done in your own suited way before taking the property”. He himself refuses these easy ways out and when he seeks a place to develop he adopts a proper procedure: “I take the soil from the four corners of the site, and especially the North East corner soil, to the famous Naga temple at Kukke Subramanya and pray to the main Goddess there. If there is any of your (naga) egg, or those of earlier generations belonging to the naga, please forgive me for doing this work on this site, and give me the property free of disturbances. After that, we go and do a thirthanam pooja (a ritual cleansing with holy water to appease the deity) and the prasadam is the anthill powered mud which we sprinkle over to start the work”. (30097: 4–50).
- 10.
(30100: 1.02). See the account by Devdutt Pattanaik: The axe of Parshuram (online accessed April 2016) http://devdutt.com/articles/indian-mythology/the-axe-of-parshuram.html.
- 11.
He felt it was hardly surprising that the Suzlon wind turbine plant built on such sacred ground had seen such huge losses.
- 12.
He illustrated this with an anecdote of an occasion when he was asked to upgrade an earlier shrine between Udupi and Manipal by a member of the local ISKCON (Intl. Society for the Krishna consciousness) group. When he reached there, he found that several of his workers had discovered some Naga stones and had also had accidents. On intuition, he decided to enter the shrine alone to pray and seek blessings; he asked the Naga for a concrete sign that is was okay to proceed, and while inside the small room a cobra snake appeared before him. Shetty took this to be a sign and he decided not to work with ISKCON; instead, he decided to consult a Bhoota priest. The priest asked him to carry out a cleansing ritual before proceeding. Shetty also took a vow that he would remain vegetarian until the construction was completed.
- 13.
Elden usefully sees territory as an “…account of the emergence of a concept out of a complicated and multi-layer set of chronologies, fragments and aporias. Territory is a concept, as all concepts, with a history. It is also one with geography. Both the concept and the project are political: this historical work is part of a wider project that aspires to be a ‘history of the present’ (see Elden 2009: 16).
- 14.
See Chap. 6: ‘Authentically Yours: De-Touring The Map’ in Jacobs (1996).
- 15.
The CPC website is minimal but their subsidiary company Canara Springs that later became an independent entity, provides a useful insight: http://www.canarasprings.in/?page_id=246.
- 16.
- 17.
Interview with PR Nayak, September 2011.
- 18.
For archival images of Mangalore and South Canara see “Olden (sic) memories of Mangalore” at http://mangalorespots.blogspot.in/2007/09/olden-memories-of-mangalore.html. Note the images of ferry crossings on the Netravati river of the Ford and Dodge buses.
- 19.
This information was provided from two sources, separately: a lengthy interview with Ravindra Nayak (then 90 years old) in September 2011 (Tape 30003-05), and Harish Hegde, whose grandfather was a partner with the HMC. HH provided a lot of information to emphasise how land was occupied. Nayak highlighted that this common ticketing system worked without any legal agreement but, rather, as a continuation of a verbal practice—driven by joint interests. During the 1980s, the extensive construction of bridges across the backwaters has for effect to offer continuous roads. It led to the abandonment of the joint ticketing.
- 20.
Naik (2011, Tape30006: 8.17).
- 21.
- 22.
One source, a relatively reliable news report ‘… The foreign exchange through fishing is 30.213 crore INR for the country, while it is 1.21 crore INR for the state. There are nearly 2000 boats involved in fishing at the harbour in Malpe, wherein 50,000 people are directly involved in the business. The people indirectly involved in the fishing trade—including women selling dry fish, vendors, loaders, mechanics, carpenters, fishnet repairers, workshop labourers, boat builders, boat pullers, electricians, fibre workers and daily fish-selling women—are at least 850,000 lakh in number within a 30 km radius.’ See http://www.coastaldigest.com/index.php/news/77983-fishermen-stage-massive-protests-in-mangaluru-malpe. If it was unconfirmed precisely, it was broadly indicated in my conversations with Association office bearers. Based on his student’s research on the Malpe fishing industry undertaken in 2010, Kailash Rao, Associate Professor at Manipal University’s Architecture school MSAP, put the employment in the immediate vicinity of Malpe at 30,000–50,000 persons. Another source that locates the volume of fish as an indicator is Zacharia (2003), who concludes the sector is roughly this size; see also S Giriappa (1996).
- 23.
These websites provide a useful overview: Udupi Port and Fisheries at http://www.udupipages.com/business/fishing-industry.php and Malpe Fishing Industry: Fishing for Export at https://indianstorytime.wordpress.com/2012/10/19/malpe-fishing-industry-fishing-for-export/ (both accessed April 2016).
- 24.
Marine exports and fishmeal and fish oil exports from Karnataka this year have doubled compared to last year, with total exports estimated at 681 crore INR in 2010–11 as against 392 crore INR in 2009–10. See Phadnis Renuka Marine, fishmeal exports from state double The Hindu Aug 2011, http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/marine-fishmeal-exports-from-state-double/article2345590.ece.
- 25.
Recorded interview; Carrin (2008). For useful visuals, see ‘Fishing Community Invokes Divine Blessings with Samudra Puja’ in Daijiworld: http://www.daijiworld.com/news/news_disp.asp?n_id=84026 and Neecha-Babbarya Kola https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hT7W8iFLRbs (accessed in April 2016).
- 26.
Recorded Interview.
- 27.
This is evident from websites (accessed April 2016): see Ollanaadu Mogaveera Samavesha: The fishing business is in trouble: http://barkuronline.com/barkuronline/News/News52.html; and Prominent Mogaveeras at http://www.mogaveeracommunity.com/prominent-mogaveeras.html: Shri Dayanath Kotian, Mangalore, Advocate Founder Member/Secretary of D.K. Mogaveera Hithasadhana Vedike, Uchila. He is also a political activist and a senior Advocate in Mangalore. He was the Secretary of the Fishermen Environment Protection Committee, which launched the historic agitation against the Mangalore Refinery Public Ltd. (MRPL). Also see the organizational diagram of the Bengare Mahajana sabbha 1906 in Fig. 1 in Budhya and Benjamin (2000).
- 28.
Although this may be explained by the fact that he was the head of a prosperous federation and his wife was the local MLA, what is striking, as in many of the author’s meetings with even middle level members of the Mogaveera community, is their relative wealth. Their plots of land are massive as are their houses with concrete roofs, connected to piped water and individual electricity connections. This contrasts with the fishing hamlets in other parts of Coastal India—northern Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and Visakhapatnam in AP.
- 29.
A fathom is equal to 6 ft or 1.82 m. 15 fathoms are equivalent to 27 m deep.
- 30.
See “Brahmins, Khatris, and Babus” 56–63 in Harish Damodaran (2008).
- 31.
Poojary is a caste group within the Bunt community in South Canara—and this is an indication of the political space enjoyed and accessed by this community. See also see images of these types of inaugurations as public events at: http://202.138.101.165/kkap/news_and_events.html.
- 32.
See, for instance, the 2014–2015 Karnataka annual fishing report which lists several of the completed civil works that were lobbied for at the time of our fieldwork: http://www.karnataka.gov.in/fisheries/Annual%20Report/Annual%20report%202014%20-%2015.pdf.
- 33.
Mangalore: “Pili Vesha”—High-Flying Dance Form of Tulunadu Daijiworld Media Network—Mangalore (VM) http://www.daijiworld.com/news/news_disp.asp?n_id=150324.
- 34.
See: Census of India 5—3 1976/Karnataka/76: (v) Basrur (Coondapur taluk) “…This ancient river-port and seat of administration is situated 6 km east of Coondapur. In times of yore this place had developed trade contacts with distant countries. A local legend connects it with China as well. The Mudukeri Panjurli Bhutasthana here, which belongs to the Billavas, has 5 wooden figures representing Chinikara Daivas. A hoard of Daivas hailing from China, it is said, were roaming about in this vicinity and, on a particular occasion, made fun of Panjurli. The enraged Panjurli retaliated by seizing 5 of them and caused them to remain in this shrine permanently. These Bhutan are offered periodical worship along with Panjurli…”.
- 35.
Because of shortage of time, I was unable to research this other important and emerging transnational economy, and only made a few cursory visits to these sites. Cashew nut processing in the Karkala area has become particularly important post-1990s, with several firms exporting cashew nuts and related products.
- 36.
Fishmeal is used in a variety of items such as animal feed; see http://www.rajfishmeal.com/fish-meal.html#.
- 37.
See Coronet Fish Products at http://coronetfishproducts.com/.
- 38.
- 39.
- 40.
See Tebma Shipyards at: http://www.tebma.com/html/contactus.html.
- 41.
- 42.
- 43.
See: Port and Fisheries http://www.udupipages.com/business/fishing-industry.php.
- 44.
Purse-seine fishermen losing their livelihood. The Hindu April 26, 2011. http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-national/tp-karnataka/purseseine-fishermen-losing-their-livlihood/article1768402.ece and Fishermen take out ‘padayatra’, oppose sales tax refund system. The Hindu, Aug. 5, 2015.
- 45.
See: Guidelines issued by Karnataka Purse Seine Fishermen's Association (Mangalore Branch) to avoid conflicts among purse seine operators. Accessed April 2016 at http://eprints.cmfri.org.in/4030/.
- 46.
See, for instance, Fernandes and Saldanha (2000) Local rights have been suppressed and there has been deliberate distortion of democratic control by duly elected bodies: “… For instance, every panchayat in the project-affected areas has passed unanimous resolutions against the project. The zilla panchayat endorsed the decision of the village panchayats, again unanimously. Not very surprisingly, the State Government used all its powers to advance MPC’s purpose (and undermine the democratic rights of the panchayat bodies by) employing crude administrative shortcuts. Utilising its administrative powers through the office of the Chief Executive Officer of the zilla panchayat, a state government employee, it overruled all the decisions made by the village and zilla panchayat … (in) 1996. When all the members of the Legislative Assembly elected from Dakshina Kannada also rejected the location of the project, once more the state dismissed their appeal ...” (Fernandes and Saldanha 2000: 13).
- 47.
See, for instance, Malpe fishing boat owners blame deep Sea trawlers: deep sea trawlers “bull trawl fishing” Malpe fishing boat owners blame deep Sea trawlers, in Udupi Today, Udupi, 24 October 2013:http://www.udupitoday.com/udtoday/news_Udupi-Malpe-fishing-boat-owners-blame-deep-Sea-trawlers_2860.html Udupi: Deep sea Trawl Association of Malpe object fishing ban, 26th Nov. 2013 http://www.udupitoday.com/udtoday/karnataka_Udupi-Deep-sea-Trawl-Association-of-Malpe-object-fishing-ban_1120.html.
- 48.
Interview tape 30112: 4:30; see also Mishra, K. (nd) Abbakka Rani: The Unsung Warrior Queen; Indira Gandhi National Council for the Arts http://ignca.nic.in/nl001903.htm and Origin of Mogaveeras. accessed in April 2016 at http://www.mogaveeracommunity.com/origin-mogaveeras.html.
- 49.
- 50.
It is evident from the four assumptions behind such forms of analysis, South Canara or its urban areas are unlikely to be discussed except as a “local” case study illustrating particular local cultural attributes.
- 51.
This focus on the “local” has two other impacts. First, the limited focus on multilateral institutions such as the World Bank and ADB and bilateral ones like the JBIC or DfiD in shaping India’s neo-liberal policy turns opens grounds for what recalls an orientalist frame that plays centrally, local property agents, land developers, touts, and enablers who with local state that extend and materialize broader neo-liberal trends (Shakin 2014; Cook 2015; Sud 2014a, b). Second, it poses what Purcell (2006) cautions about “democracy and citizenship” being naively assumed by progressive activists to be an effective counter to neoliberal challenges.
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Acknowledgments
I dedicate this work to the late Harish Hegde who, as a close friend, shared insights and warm openness that enriched our time together in our frequent travels in South Canara. As with all field-based work, I apologise to anyone I have forgotten. I, express my sincere thanks to a very limited list that includes Eric Denis, who tirelessly edited this chapter, Marie Hélène Zérah as an able research director who provided both support and space, and our very large research group at SUBURBIN, especially during the workshops where they gracefully tolerated and accepted my introduction of spirit possessions. In South Canara, Pradeep Kini and Harish opened up new worlds in our numerous travels there. Ashok Raja, Gopali Nayak of the Pangal Nayak family at Yermal, Manohar Shetty and Prabhakar Naik, Anil Pai and BB Kanchan are also sincerely thanked.
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Benjamin, S. (2017). Multilayered Urbanisation of the South Canara Territory. In: Denis, E., Zérah, MH. (eds) Subaltern Urbanisation in India. Exploring Urban Change in South Asia. Springer, New Delhi. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-81-322-3616-0_8
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