Abstract
After a performance by novelist and journalist Kamel Daoud on a French TV show, a call for his execution has been posted on Facebook. This escalates into a media scandal that affects actors far beyond Algeria. These events and the associated media reflections are examined using a post-foundational discourse analysis approach and are explained as practices of seizing and maintaining power and contests the view of a binary opposition of religious vs. secular forces in the country. In this interpretation, the master signifier Islam, around which social discourses are constantly evolving, serves as a crystallization point for a complicated system of interrelated societal conflicts. These include a shared colonial history with France, the role of French education and language in Algeria, and a tradition of political role of Islam as well as current social conflicts. Nowadays, the lack of economic and social prospects for an entire generation and ethnic segregation phenomena destabilize an encrusted political system and influence the European perspective on North Africa as a country of origin for potential migrants.
This text contains a few Arabic quotations, which are presented in transliteration. I have excluded names and common expressions to keep the text fluid. Proper names of Algerians are given in the form that is used in the Algerian press based on French orthography. I am very grateful to Yousra Ibrahim for help with translations and transliterations from Arabic, to Faiza Hussain for introducing me to the intricacy of Islamic theology, and to Mouloud Allek, who has contributed immensely to my understanding of controversies in Algeria. If not stated differently, all translations into English are mine.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
In the following text, the term Islam will be marked in italics when I refer to the master signifier in the meta-discourse of the analysis; the normal form will be used when it occurs in a different context.
- 3.
A theoretical re-evaluation of this concept aiming at a systematic operationalization of post-foundational discourse analysis has been proposed by Tomas Marttila (2015).
- 4.
The vernacular spoken in Algeria is called Darja and differs considerably from written Arabic; it has to be studied almost like a foreign language at school and was introduced to the Algerian school system after independence in 1962 as part of a broader Arabization and Islamization process. Arabic in the stricter sense of the written language is not what an Algerian would refer to as his or her mother tongue.
- 5.
“Je le dis souvent en Algérie ça prête à beaucoup de polémique. J’ai écrit un article sur ça aussi, où je dis que l’arabe m’appartient, je lui n’appartiens pas. J’ai un passeport où il est écrit ‘Algérien’, je me sens algérien, je parle algérien, je me défends, […] je ne suis pas arabe. L’arabe, ce n’est pas une nationalité, c’est une culture, une domination, ça a été une colonisation… Elle est là, mais ce n’est pas une nationalité pour moi’’ (video recording: 9:25–9:54). The interview is no longer available on YouTube. User meziane abdellah has uploaded a recording of the central part of the interview (probably filmed with a camera or a mobile phone from a television screen): https://www.dailymotion.com/video/x2d1i5l. Accessed: 19.06.2020.
- 6.
First edition: Alger: Editions Barzakh 2013; 2nd edition Arles: Actes Sud 2014.
- 7.
“La religion pour moi est un transport collectif que je ne prends pas. J’aime aller vers ce Dieu à pied, s’il le faut, mais pas en voyage organisé” (video recording, see above n. 6: 9:55–10:00): This sentence also occurs in Daoud’s novel Meursault, contre-enquête (2014, p. 76).
- 8.
“La religion […] est devenue le mal du monde arabe’’ (video recording, see note 6:10:10).
- 9.
daʿwa li-taṭbīq al-ḥad ʿalīhi.
- 10.
bi-sabab ḥarbihi al-fājira ḍidda Allah taʿāla wal-rasul ṣalla Allahu ʿalīhi wa-sallam wa-kitāb Allah wa-muqaddsāt al-muslīmīn wa-abnāʾihim wa-bilādihim.
- 11.
majjd al-gharb wa-l-ṣahāīna.
- 12.
wa-nadʿu al-niẓam al-jazaʾirī ila-l-ḥukm ʿalīhi bi-l-iʿdām qatlan ʿalanīatan.
- 13.
Kāna (sic!) fīhih sharʿ yuṭabbaq fī-l-jazāʾir bi-l-qaṣāṣ wa-l-ḥadd la wajab ʿalā-l-niẓām al-jazāʾirī al-ḥukm ʿalīhi qatlan ʾamām al-malāʾ.
- 14.
On the process and function of the fatwa as legal opinion, see Dallal (1995).
- 15.
For example, the website of the Algerian Ministry of Religious Affairs offers a collection of fatwas for everyday use: https://www.marw.dz. Accessed: 19.06.2020. This is probably a response to the quickly growing demand and the increasing popularity of Facebook fatwas and prominent figures like the “so-called media mufti Yusuf al-Qaradawi […] an Azhari scholar and preacher close to the Egyptian Muslim Brothers, [who] plays a significant role in a transnational, mainly Arabic-speaking mediascape, not as a religious authority in the conventional sense but as a popular religious person whose fatwas are well suited to reception and adaptation by a great many people from different Islamic currents in a number of regions” (Gräf 2014, p. 139, italics: Gräfe).
- 16.
During the invasion by the French, warring against the colonizers as well as peacemaking needed justification from the Muslim authorities. When Emir Abd al-Qadir (1808–83) made a peace accord in Tafna (1837) with French Marshal Thomas Burgeaud (1764–1849), a fatwa was issued by the maternal uncle of the Emir to support the treaty stating that in this case, given the military superiority of the enemy, the pursuit of war was equivalent “to exposing oneself to inexorable peril” (Chater 1996, p. 43). Similarly, concerning the delicate question of the legitimacy of the Treaty of Tafna, a fatwa pronounced by Ali Ben Abd al-Salam Mdides al-Tassouli in Fez stated that “truce with the enemy is permissible if the enemy is not in an offensive mode. Otherwise jihad is a personal duty” (ibid.).
- 17.
See note 10 above.
- 18.
Sura 5,33. English translation by Abdel Haleem (The Our’an 2004).
- 19.
Mozaffari used this example to explain the Rushdie affair (Mozaffari 1998). I would not go as far as to say that “the same principle must be applied in our times to Rushdie” (ibid., p. 27). It shows that fatwas can simply serve very well the political intentions of a leader that requested them.
- 20.
It also seems rather clear that Khomeini’s fatwa against Salman Rushdie is not a genuine fatwa, but rather “purely political, discretionary and in this case of charismatic origins to boot” (Al-Azm 2014, p. 123). Mozaffari dedicates a chapter in his exquisite study to the question, If Khomeini’s Fatwa is not a Fatwa, What is it? (Mozaffari 1998, pp. 51–58). After dismissing several possibilities such as a juridical act following a judgment, a bill of war or a personal opinion, he concludes: “Khomeini had no authority to order Muslims to kill Rushdie. His decree was null and void from the moment it was published” (Mozaffari 1998, p. 58).
- 21.
Hamadache’s ‘Facebook-fatwa’ from December 13.
- 22.
See, for example, Ibn Kathir (2003, pp. 121–124). I am grateful to Faiza Hussain for this clarification.
- 23.
“The expression ‘to wage war against Allah and His Messenger’ denotes war against a righteous order established by the Islamic state. […] If anyone tried to disrupt such an order […] committing murder and destruction and robbery and brigandry […] by attempting to overthrow that order and establish some unrighteous order instead” (Maududi 1996, pp. 156–157) and “armed group [of] rebels” (Qutb 2001, p. 76).
- 24.
Ali Belhadj, a former high-school teacher, is co-leader and co-founder of the Algerian Islamist political party FIS, established in 1989. Belhadj has been described as “emblematic of the many radicals […] who are Arabic-speaking teachers in primary and secondary schools and who act as independent imams, preaching their redemptive messages in mystical tones” (Entelis 1997, p. 64). He is profoundly nourished by the writings of Sayyid Qutb and Hassan al-Banna, like a whole generation of Arabophone-educated intellectuals in Algeria who were strongly influenced by the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (Rouadjia 1990, pp. 13–44).
- 25.
Hamadache had published a second appeal addressed explicitly to the minister a few days after the first one, also on Facebook, where he insists more on the theological aspect. I have saved this text in my research notes, but, since it is not available anymore on the Internet, I cannot use it for this analysis. For this and other texts that have disappeared from the Internet, see below (n. 29).
- 26.
yataṭāwal ʿalā-l-Qurʾān wa-yuḥārib al-islām wa-l-lughat al-ʿarabiyya (“He insults the Qur’an, he blasphemes Islam and the Arabic language”) (Ziraoui 2014).
- 27.
“Les composantes fondamentales de son identité sont l’Islam et l’Arabité” (“The fundamental components of its identity are Islam and Arabism”). The Berber identity, “Amazighité”, was not added to this until 1996 (see Zenati 2004, p. 144, and the Preamble of the Algerian constitution: https://www.conseil-constitutionnel.dz/conseil/preambule-2016p.html. Accessed: 19.06.2020).
- 28.
See note 4 above.
- 29.
See note 6 above, the quote from Daoud’s interview.
- 30.
Similarly, Kateb Yacine has also been accused of “treason” in the Algerian press for his favorable attitude towards colloquial Arabic and the use of highly elaborate French in his literary works. The parallel to Daoud goes as far as the fact that both have been condemned by an Islamist imam: “the day after Kateb’s death on 28 October 1989, an Egyptian imam who worked as a teacher in an Islamic university in Constantine declared: ‘[Kateb] should not be buried in a Muslim cemetery’” (Benrabah 2013, p. 142; see also id. 1999, p. 258).
- 31.
On the term postcolonial, see Ashcroft et al. (1989).
- 32.
https://www.muenchner-kammerspiele.de/inszenierung/der-fall-meursault. Accessed: 19.06.2020.
- 33.
His articles have caused outrage not only in notoriously Islamist circles but, later on, also in a ‘collective’ of 19 academics, most affiliated to Western universities. In the context of anti-Islamic controversies and politics in France (and internationally), Daoud’s angry prose gained a wholly different value. Written initially for a rather small Algerian and French readership (Le Touzet 2014), his articles seemed to fuel anti-Islamic rhetoric when published in large French newspapers and the New York Times, causing an outcry among intellectuals, who accused him of utilizing “orientalist clichés”, lending himself to the “Islamophobic fantasies of a growing proportion of the European (and American) public under the comfortable pretext of refusing to engage in a naive optimism” (Shatz 2016).
- 34.
The recording of the television transmission “On n’est pas couches” (see note 4 above), formerly available on YouTube, has been removed, and its existence can only be presumed from the comments under the posting of the interview (dead) YouTube-link from 15 December 2014 on the Facebook page of the broadcasting television channel France 2. This posting has not been deleted: https://www.facebook.com/onpcF2/posts/810585115665417. Accessed: 19.06.2020. The part of the television broadcast is available only in a private recording published on a video platform (see note 5 above): https://www.dailymotion.com/video/x2d1i5l. Accessed: 19.06.2020. Moreover, the original Facebook post by Hamadache and the repost on Facebook by Daoud are not available online anymore—both Hamadache’s and Daoud’s accounts have been closed. Full Arabic text reposted by the user reeze.dz on 24 December 2014, online: https://forum.dzfoot.com/topic/13642-comment-expliquer-le-paradoxe-algerien-chapitre-vi/page__st__28080. Accessed: 09.08.2018.
- 35.
Most importantly, the revelations on Algeria’s ‘dirty war’, published in 2001 by Habib Souaïdia, a former officer and parachutist of the élite Special Forces in the Algerian Army (Souaïdia 2001).
- 36.
On this complicated subject see also the enlightening study of Shepard (2018).
- 37.
Academic texts, such as several in the anthology Freedom of Speech and Islam (Kolig 2014) and elsewhere, construct an irreconcilable difference between Western and Islamic values in this respect; but since the debate is relatively recent, it is probably too early to pass a final judgment.
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Schwaderer, I. (2021). Kamel Daoud, the Colonizer and the Fatwa: Negotiating Islam in Algeria. In: Gärtner, C., Winkel, H. (eds) Exploring Islam beyond Orientalism and Occidentalism. Veröffentlichungen der Sektion Religionssoziologie der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Soziologie. Springer VS, Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-33239-6_7
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-33239-6_7
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