Introduction

Abstract

In the ever-growing entrepreneurial field of practice, refugee entrepreneurs—and their journeys from refuge to business-ownership in new countries of residence—have come to exemplify inventive and creative forms of entrepreneurship, claiming an important footing in global contexts. Surprisingly, however, their activities have largely remained unexamined. Lifting their stories out of the shadows, this book presents a rich collection of 16 cases from around the world that highlight the tensions and triumphs that refugee entrepreneurs experience. In the introductory chapter, we guide the reader through some of the distinctive features that characterize refugee entrepreneurship and we summarize the latest insights gathered from a review of scholarly works published to date. A framework that builds on refugee theory aspects is presented in order to explain the methodology and underpinnings of the case studies that make up the chapters, including the cross-case analysis presented in the concluding chapter.

1.1 Refugees Out of the Shadows

Global migration is a key factor of the twenty-first century and has become a matter of great interest—economically, politically, socially and culturally. Understanding the patterns and underlying impacts of global migration is of pressing importance, as both the increasing number of media reports and academic studies reflect. Whereas about 90% of the world’s migrants move on a voluntary basis, usually for economic reasons, the remaining 10% seek asylum and refuge, having fled their countries in an escape from persecution and violence (Woetzel et al. 2016). Today, political strife and human rights violations, amplified by the ravages of war, play out on the international stage where refugees have emerged as the “heart of the definition of the world order and the debates it raises” (Fassin and Rechtman 2009, 253).

With 67.75 million forcibly displaced people worldwide at the end of 2016, and with that number rising, among which are 22.5 million refugees, our times are recording the highest levels of migration in history (UNHCR 2017). Figure 1.1 depicts the total number of internally displaced persons (IDPs), asylum seekers and refugees across recent years, with 17 million in 2000—an amount that nearly quadruples in 2016.

Fig. 1.1

Number of refugees worldwide, 2000–2016, by type (in millions). *Totals in the figure include IDPs, asylum seekers, refugees, returnees (including IDPs and refugees), stateless persons and others of concern (beneficiaries of UNHCR aid and services) (UNHCR 2018)

The highest yearly increase in the number of people seeking refuge, globally, was reported in 2005–2006, as shown in Table 1.1. From 2012 to date, however, there has continued to be increases, which has contributed to our current record numbers.

Table 1.1 Yearly increase of total refugees, worldwide (2000–2016)

Indeed, the question of integrating migrants and refugees is one of ever-growing urgency. Globally, societies are becoming more diverse and heterogeneous, and therefore it has become essential that host countries find strategies that aim not to reproduce the hardships or injustices from which their many newcomers have often fled. Nevertheless, in a large number of communities, refugees and asylum seekers remain among the most marginalized groups of migrants, exposed to discrimination, impoverished living conditions and high rates of joblessness (Bloch 2008, 2014). Government policies regarding refugees have come into focus, with a particular interest in employment issues, considered to be a key element of successful inclusion and integration (Ager and Strang 2008; Heilbrunn et al. 2010). Current academic research demonstrates that refugees face many difficulties when trying to enter the labor markets of their new countries of residence (CORs): they face country-specific legal restrictions, personal and structural discrimination, and an unwillingness on the part of authorities to accept documentation and credentials, among many other challenges (Ayadurai 2011; Bloch 2008; Fong et al. 2007; Heilbrunn forthcoming; Lyon et al. 2007; Wauters and Lambrecht 2008). Additionally, refugees and asylum seekers often have to acquire foreign language skills and new knowledge, intensely and rapidly, in accordance with the demands of their respective host countries (Bloch 2008; Yi Cheung and Phillimore 2014; Lyon et al. 2007; Miyares 1998; Omeje and Mwangi 2014; Sheridan 2008). Such orientation and integration objectives must be prioritized, although placated by the complexities of immigration journeys that have often led to devastating circumstances, including acute stress (George 2010; Khoury and Prasad 2016; Wauters and Lambrecht 2008) and trauma (Silove 1999). Furthermore, within this unbalanced and fragile state of affairs, factors of diversity in needs, culture, generations and overall groups compound the necessity for targeted, effective responses. Refugees depart from a wide variety of countries of origin (COOs) at various points in their lives and, thus, do not establish homogenous groups in host countries (Vertovec 2007). For this very reason, a call for increased collaboration among stakeholders, including researchers and policymakers, beckons.

It is in this light that Refugee Entrepreneurship: A Case Based Topography’s contributors have come together, with lessons learned from 16 case studies that examine the enablers and challenges faced by refugees who self-employ in their new CORs. As one of the strongest illustrations of self-determination in the backdrop of rebuilding one’s life, the stories presented herein delineate the distinctive and shared experiences in entrepreneurship by refugees; where a vulnerable population, with little resources—human and social—transcend their disadvantage.

1.2 Refugee Versus Migrant

Discerning refugees from other migrant populations occurs on fundamental levels, in terms of legal characterization, migration motives and the institutional support they are afforded upon immigration. Firstly, refugees are persons fleeing from armed conflict or persecution and under international law, they are entitled to specific, guaranteed rights. According to Article 1 of the 1951 United Nations Convention and the 1967 Protocol (UNHCR 1951) relating to the status of refugees, a refugee is a person who “owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country”. What this entails is a journey and presence outside one’s home country, prompted by a fear of persecution and an incapacity of one’s state to guarantee safety and protection. Excluded from the definition are internally displaced people, victims of natural disasters, economic migrants and victims of violence who are not also subject to persecution.

Prior to being recognized as refugees, people who enter host countries are identified as asylum seekers—their claims are yet to be verified and legitimized by a host country’s legal system. Whereas motives for migration are typically incited by hopes for a better life and economic improvement, refugees are driven by force and attempt to rebuild what they have lost (Chiswick et al. 1997; Joly 2002; Kunz 1973). This very profound difference in motivation influences host countries’ policies and laws. Legal decisions related to non-refugee migrants fall under national authority rather than international law and are therefore determined through country-specific immigration processes, such as selection criteria (Edwards 2015). Refugees, however, are subject to different forms of self-selection than other migrants, and this directly affects their human capital characteristics.

Pivotal to the theme of refugee entrepreneurship are how motives for migration influence investment opportunities in terms of pre-flight preparation—what tangible and intangible assets do refugees travel with and how. In turn, this impacts their capital compared to non-refugee migrants in CORs, often to a disadvantage. Further complicating issues are other systematized and social disadvantages, which can either be mitigated or aggravated by national institutional systems. Examples, broached in most of the chapters that follow, touch upon the fostering or hindrance of labor market integration: refugees can be banned from work altogether, they can be supported into employment or, as in some cases, encouraged towards self-employment.

As the literature currently suggests, and our case studies demonstrate, refugee entrepreneurship is gaining momentum, recognition and validation. Examining the distinctive features of this phenomenon will lead us to better understand the goals and needs of those who start new businesses in new CORs. Along with building-up social and economic integration strategies, it is our collective desire that refugee entrepreneurship progressively strengthens through informed and renewed policies and practices.

1.3 Insights into Refugee Entrepreneurship

The current situation in refugeeentrepreneurship research has been presented in an extensive literature review article by Heilbrunn and Iannone (forthcoming) that brings to light a number of findings from 51 academic works, published between 1986 and 2017. Based on this and theoretical understandings of refuge, the editors of this book have related to a number of insights, briefly discussed below, in order to build an analytical framework for this book’s chapters.

Aligned to the characteristic features that delineate refugees from other migrants, there are differences that distinguish migrant entrepreneurship from refugee entrepreneurship, although these distinctions have often been neglected in empirical studies (Bizri 2017; Piperopoulos 2010). Wauters and Lambrecht (2008) noted this shortcoming when discussing how refugees have consistently been considered as part of the larger group of “migrant entrepreneurs” and seldom researched in their own light. In one of the most prominent contributions to academic discourse on refugee entrepreneurship, they have listed six aspects (ibid.) that place refugee entrepreneurs in a position of comparative disadvantage to other migrant entrepreneurs, including: less extensive social networks; limited or no access to COO-resources; psychological instability due to flight and trauma; little or no preparation in migration processes; leaving valuable assets and resources in their COOs; and unsuitability for paid labor. While initiating the debate on the differences between refugee and migrant entrepreneurship has been important, some of Wauters and Lambrecht’s (ibid.) aspects seem to intimately interrelate, if not overlap, and there is a hidden tendency to generalize these comparative disadvantages for all refugees, despite marked heterogeneity in refugee populations (Vertovec 2007).

From the body of knowledge we have on refugee entrepreneurship, we can ascertain a combination of aspects that influence their activities, such as motivation and institutional, human, cultural and social capital factors (Gold 1988, 1994; Wauters and Lambrecht 2006, 2007, 2008). Refugee entrepreneurs report on the critical role of language and related communication challenges in CORs (Lyon et al. 2007; Omeje and Mwangi 2014). They also describe difficulties in connection to a lack of business knowledge and access to capital for their startups (Ayadurai 2011; Lyon et al. 2007; Omata 2017; Omeje and Mwangi 2014; Wauters and Lambrecht 2008), especially finance (Lyon et al. 2007; Sandberg et al. 2019; Wauters and Lambrecht 2008), impoverished support in the forms of information, guidance and advice (Lyon et al. 2007) and difficulties in navigating the institutional environments and contexts of CORs (Ayadurai 2011; Dahles 2013; Sepulveda et al. 2011; Wauters and Lambrecht 2008). Refugee entrepreneurs also face cultural challenges, discrimination and fractured legal stability (Ayadurai 2011; Fong et al. 2007; Lyon et al. 2007). In addition, many face institutional constraints and institutional voids that further hinder their ability to make sense of their new environments and access appropriate schemes for their settlement processes, as well as their entrepreneurial aspirations (Heilbrunn forthcoming; Khoury and Prasad 2016).

The main personal motivations for entrepreneurship mentioned by refugees concern a longing to improve their living conditions and integrate into their new environments (Fong et al. 2007; Mamgain and Collins 2003; Sandberg et al. 2019; Sheridan 2008; Tömöry 2008; Wauters and Lambrecht 2006), as well as the very entrepreneurial drive to be independent (Fong et al. 2007; Sandberg et al. 2019). In a number of publications, blocked mobility in the labor market has been explicitly mentioned as a motivator (Price and Chacko 2009; Roth et al. 2012; Tömöry 2008). Alongside this—and mentioned as facilitators to entrepreneurship—are access to capital, particularly social capital (Sandberg et al. 2019; Mamgain and Collins 2003; Miyares 1998; Omeje and Mwangi 2014) and social inclusion (Miyares 1998; Tömöry 2008).

At the individual level, the impact of successful refugee entrepreneurship is empowering—generating income and self-creating a livelihood, which also includes activities that give one’s life purpose and meaning (Fong et al. 2007; Sabar and Posner 2013) and leads to integration (Basok 1989, 1993; Gold 1992a, b). Studies on refugee entrepreneurship as it evolves in camp economies denote a similar impact (Alloush et al. 2017; Jacobsen 2002; Sánchez Piñeiro and Saavedra 2016).

At a meso-level, entrepreneurial activities enhance the development of local refugee communities and services (Lyon et al. 2007). Moreover, and as can be seen in Ellie’s, Jonny’s and Edouard’s stories (Chaps. 4, 7 and 9 herein), refugee businesses often serve as community centers, where relationships, social capital and social identities can be built amongst refugees and also with the wider community (Mamgain and Collins 2003; Sabar and Posner 2013; Wauters and Lambrecht 2006). Particularly in deprived urban areas, refugee businesses can have a “multiplier effect” (Lyon et al. 2007) that can strengthen as well as transform entire neighborhoods.

Leading from this, the “multiplier effect” at a meso-level can impact the macro- or country-level of CORs (Jacobsen 2002), affecting social and economic arrangements, labor markets and overall productive capacity. In turn, this also involves CORs’ “receiving economies” (ibid., 585). Thus, in market economies, supporting the launch and continuation of refugee entrepreneurship can have a comprehensively positive impact on national economies (Betts et al. 2016).

In view of these insights, yet the limited number of studies, there is a marked need to expand on empirical examinations of refugee entrepreneurship. There have been several notable contributions to our current knowledge of the field, however, research that comprehensively takes into account the nuances associated with the distinctiveness of refugees as entrepreneurs need to develop. These will help lead to greater conceptual and theoretical development and in turn, stronger policies and practices. Thus, the editors and contributors to this book have seized upon this momentum, developing a framework for the case studies that has helped structure each chapter, allowing for the cross-case analysis presented in Chap. 18 (Freiling and Harima 2018).

1.4 Theory Underpinning the Case Studies in this Book

In order to highlight the distinctions that exist amongst refugeeentrepreneurship, we have linked some key perspectives that enable for useful categorizations, incited by Miriam George’s (2010) typology that discerns differences between refugees. In order to enhance our understanding of refugee trauma, we have drawn from her model (ibid.) on refugee type, inspired by Kunz (1973, 1981) and Paludan (1974). This model enables us to analyze three layers of characterization, namely the “new” versus “traditional” (Kunz 1973) refugee, the “acute” versus “anticipatory” (Paludan 1974) and the “majority-identified”, “event-related” or “self-alienated” (Kunz 1981) refugee, as depicted below (Fig. 1.2).

Fig. 1.2

Typology of refugees (based on George 2010, 381)

The “new” versus “traditional” layer concerns the degree of cultural and ethnical similarity between refugees’ COOs and their new CORs (Paludan 1974), with the “new” ones being culturally, ethnically and racially divergent. This is often the case for refugees immigrating from a less developed country to a developed country, without family or communitynetworks (George 2010). An Eritrean emigrating to Sweden within the last decade would likely fit into this category. “Traditional” experiences in refuge occur when a refugee’s COO is similar to the COR, for instance, where both countries are in a similar stage of development, where they are also culturally similar and where refugees can often rely on family or communitynetworks (ibid.). Jewish refugees from the former Soviet Union who immigrated to Israel in the 1970s are an example of this grouping.

The second layer of George’s (ibid.) model concerns the flight and settlement patterns of refugees (Collins 1996; Kunz 1973, 1981), from which two types emerge, namely, “anticipatory” and “acute” refugees. The former can plan their flight from a COO, whereas the latter cannot. Accordingly, it is typically implicit that “acute” refugees are exposed to higher risks and therefore may also experience trauma—a factor that must be taken into consideration in CORs.

The last layer of George’s (2010) model concerns the reason for refuge (Kunz 1981; Collins 1996). “Majority-identified” refugees are those who, for instance, have fought against ruling regimes or events, while “event-related” refugees represent those who have suffered from active discrimination against the groups to which they belong. “Self-alienated” refugees, however, flee because of personal reasons.

In all, 12 categorizations of refugees emerge through George’s (2010) model, which has yet to be empirically confirmed. In turn, these serve as the initial framework from which to analyze the 16 cases presented as the body chapters of this book. The immediate political circumstances of flight to refuge, as well as reasons for having to flee a COO and the extent of cultural difference to a majority population in a COR, are various, having a definitive impact on refugees’ encounters within their new societies (ibid.) and in their entrepreneurial endeavors. In addition to these aspects, the cases and analyses presented in the pages that follow will consider the effects of trauma on refugees (Mollica et al. 2015). In concert, these encompass the influential mechanisms and resources (or lack thereof) at the supply side of entrepreneurial patterns, while leading us to contextually and characteristically consider refugeeentrepreneurship in a comparative light.

1.5 Case Study Methodology

We have collectively chosen the case study methodology for our endeavor since we have aimed to understand the everyday experiences of the entrepreneurs who are portrayed (Steyaert and Katz 2004). The questions of “why” and “how” refugees start and subsequently maintain their businesses have been at the fore and thus called for the qualitative methods employed, including interviews (Creswell and Creswell 2017). Through case studies, we have been able to approach each entrepreneur’s process in all its uniqueness, emphasizing its complexity as well as the richness of the narrations being shared—in other words, the “real-life context” (Yin 2003, 23). Moreover, a cross-case analysis has enabled us to draw out meaningful insights without over-generalizing from single case occurrences. This method has enabled comparisons of commonalities and differences as to the processes examined within different environments (Miles et al. 2014). One major advantage of a case study methodology concerns the fact that the phenomenon that is addressed is treated as embedded within its context; therefore, careful analyses have allowed our researchers to delve into the meanings of interactions, as well as diverse and divergent intersections (Henry and Foss 2015). Especially in relation to refugees, the institutional settings of countries vary extensively, and the evolving entrepreneurial activities are often located at the intersection of legal, economic and social environments that may foster or hinder entrepreneurship.

As presented above, the academic state of the art of refugeeentrepreneurship is still at an emerging stage, giving us an additional impetus for choosing case studies as a strategy for considering this rather unexplored phenomenon. In addition, and in response to some of the arguments made towards distinguishing refugeeentrepreneurship from migrant or ethnic entrepreneurship, we found that this methodology was best suited to provide evidence for potentially reframing similarities and differences that emerge (Bagnoli and Megali 2011; Henry and Foss 2015).

Together with the contributors of the chapters, the editors have developed a framework of themes and subjects to be considered across all cases. This, in turn, has provided a basis for the analysis presented by Freiling and Harima (2018) in the concluding chapter of this book.

1.6 Organization of the Book and Chapter Details

Based on the chosen framework above, chapters have been organized into two main sections: “New” (10) and “Traditional” (6) (following Kunz 1973), named “Unknown” and “Recognizable”, weaving between stories of refugees who have fled from acute situations, with little or no preparation, and those who had some degree of anticipation for their departure (Table 1.2).

Table 1.2 Organization of the chapters according to the theoretical underpinning

Cases presented in the “Unknown” (“new”) section of the book—Chaps. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 and 11—feature entrepreneurs who have migrated from developing COOs to developed CORs, with the exception of Jonny, who emigrated from Eritrea to Israel. Within the section entitled “Recognizable” (“traditional”)—Chaps. 12, 13, 14, 15, 16 and 17—our entrepreneurs have all moved from one developing nation to another developing COR, typically within the same continental region, as shown in Table 1.3 below.

Table 1.3 Patterns of migration of ‘new’ versus ‘traditional’ refugees

The cases also exemplify the difficulties of discerning a pattern or trend in the type of entrepreneurship refugees engage in—their businesses are as varied as they are.

Chapter 2, written by Harima, Freiling and Haimour (2018), tells the story of Muhannad, a refugee from Syria who had spent some years in Saudi Arabia before entering Germany in 2015. Muhannad had longstanding experience as a lawyer and sales manager. In 2017, he opened a restaurant in the center of Bremen, selling freshly cooked meals with authentic Syrian flavors. His family and a few refugees support him in running the business.

Chapter 3, presented by Hartmann and Schilling (2018), is about Abdul Saymoa, a refugee from north-western Syria, who arrived in Germany in 2014. Abdul was called to the army, but managed to leave Syria before reporting for duty. In a hasty and unprepared journey, he fled to Egypt, where he stayed for a period of transition prior to immigrating to Germany. Together with German partners, he has successfully set up a cheese manufacturing company called Cham Saar—“Cham” being the ancient name of Damascus, and “Saar” being the federal state of Saarland.

Chapter 4 by Kolb (2018) is about Ellie Kisyombe, who was born in Malawi. Her family background exposed her to political activism and entrepreneurship from an early age. In 2010 Ellie left her COO, since the political environment had become increasingly oppressive. Together with an Irish artist, Ellie established a pop-up café called “Our Table Dublin”, which developed from an informal meeting point for asylum seekers into a registered company.

Chapter 5 by Plak and Lagarde (2018) reports the story of Jamshed, a teenaged Afghan refugee, who fled from intensified insecurity in the last period of the war in Afghanistan. As the eldest son of his family, he managed to flee through the coordination of smugglers who made him leave with very short notice. In France, he managed to obtain a business license and has opened a grocery store which he has financed with his own savings.

Chapter 6 by Freudenberg (2018) tells the story of Hussam am Zaher who fled from Syria to Germany. He left his COO with one suitcase via air to Turkey, where he stayed for around a year. Together with his elder brother, he arrived in Hamburg in October 2015. The idea of setting up a magazine for refugees emerged through interactions with German friends and social start-up programs for refugees in the city. In October 2016, the initiative of establishing the “Flüchtlingsmagazin” was launched, and the first edition was published in February 2017.

Chapter 7 by Heilbrunn and Rosenfeld (2018) is about Jonny, an Eritrean refugee in his 30s who lives with his wife and daughter in Tel Aviv, Israel. Jonny was forcefully recruited for the Eritrean army in 2007. On February 5 2009, when guarding the Ethiopian border at night, he crossed it and began walking away. Today, Jonny is the sole owner of a kindergarten and daycare center for children of the Eritrean community. The business also serves as a locale for community events and religious services. Thus, his entrepreneurship can be seen as both a traditional business and a social enterprise.

Chapter 8, presented by Yekoye Abebe and Moog (2018), tells the story of Kaficho, who is the youngest of three Ethiopians, from an outspoken family who encountered political clashes with the government. In his young adult years, he opened a small butcher shop, but business halted when he was jailed for political reasons. Upon his release, he again opened a business—this time as an independent tour guide—and it was on one of his tours that he met his wife, who was visiting from Germany. His journey to refuge is unique in the sense that he undertook post-graduate studies in Germany, returning to Ethiopia with the intention of starting a family there with his wife. As his tourism company grew, when he returned to it in 2010, he entered into partnership. He also held a position at a university near Addis Ababa, but soon started to experience political pressure to join the ruling party officially or suffer the consequences. In 2013, this pressure led him to abandon the idea of staying in Ethiopia, and he fled the country, successfully immigrating into Germany. Not being able to find employment in Heidelberg, he established “Kaficho Trading” in early 2015, which is a transnational business-to-business, sole proprietorship, for small machinery and coffee.

The story of Edouard in Chap. 9 is presented by Ruparanganda, Ndjoku and Vemuri (2018). He is from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), in his 50s and married with six children. Today, he lives in Darwin, Australia. Edouard is a graduate of mathematics and physics and also undertook architectural design studies in the DRC. Throughout his studies, he became engaged in a variety of entrepreneurial ventures with people in rural areas, in sales and also in social enterprise work. In addition, he had been the leader of a Christian group in his COO. Unfortunately, he became victimized when he started speaking out about injustices committed by the ruling government and he had to flee. He first went to the Republic of Angola, then Zambia (for nine months), then South Africa and later to Zimbabwe, where his wife and children (two at the time) joined him. In 2007, he moved to Australia, where he was granted refugee status. There, he managed to gain employment experience through a series of jobs, thereafter establishing “Blessing African Boutique” in 2013—a products and services business, catering to the Indigenous and West African communities of Darwin.

In Chap. 10, Iannone (2018) recounts the story of Arash Kamangir, a young Iranian refugee living in Luxembourg. Passionate about music and singing, his dreams were stifled in Iran, when censorship silenced freedom of expression. In his COO, he spent several years going down a traditional, and socially acceptable, route of engineering studies and marriage. However, following divorce, his desire to sing took hold of his life once more. Unable to stay in Iran due to increased political oppression and insecurity, Arash fled to Luxembourg through Turkey and Belgium. Within the first two weeks of his arrival, he had become deeply involved in the Luxembourg music scene, connecting with both native and international artists. He began performing at events on a volunteer basis while seeking asylum, had the chance to collaborate with some prominent figures and was featured in media reports. Upon receiving his refugee status, Arash embarked on his official entrepreneurial journey and has, to date, collaborated with several groups on national and international musical projects.

Maalaoui, Razgallah, Picard and Leloarne-Lemaire (2018) present the story of Hamze in Chap. 11. Hamze is a 35-year-old man from Yazd, Iran, who has an educational background in electronic engineering and political science. After becoming politically outspoken in his COO, he was jailed, but managed to get out through bribery payments to the guards. Following this experience, he was advised to leave or risk years of imprisonment; and so the choice was clear. His journey started in 2010, on foot, through the mountains and through Kurdistan. He applied for visas to several countries, including France, the USA and Sweden and ultimately chose to immigrate to France. Following a series of jobs, and a trip to the USA that brought him confidence and some training in entrepreneurship, Hamze opened a consulting services company that helps small businesses establish themselves in France and in Iran. Today, he has a business partner in his COO and two employees.

Chapter 12, by Zamantili Nayir (2018), tells the story of Ali Dede, a 50-year-old Syrian refugee, who is a former architect, and who had to sell his home and business because of the outbreak of war. The circumstances of his flight to Turkey were both acute and anticipatory. Because of his familiarity with the Turkish language and since he had connections in his new COR, he has been able to help many of his friends who followed in his footsteps. His business is in the fabric and textile trade.

Chapter 13 is by Manzoor, Rashid, Cheung and Kwong (2018) and is about Abdullah, a 25-year-old electrician originally from Orakzai, in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas of Pakistan. He fled the armed conflict that ignited between Taliban insurgents and the military operations in his area. He could only take a few of his belongings with him and had to leave in haste. He has since set up a small shop in Dheri Banda, selling and repairing solar panels, solar fans and similar goods.

In Chap. 14, Palalić, Dana and Ramadani (2018) present the story of Futan Ahmed from Iraq. Futan Ahmed fled with the intention of avoiding further devastations of the war that broke out in his COO. Fleeing to Syria, he stayed there with his family for three years, but later relocated to the Sultanate of Oman. Today, he runs a business in a 50/50 partnership with an Omani (as the law requires) that competes for government contracts. After nine years in Oman, the company has grown to employ 46 staff. He credits much of his success to trustworthiness, partnership and personal motivation.

Chapter 15, by de la Chaux (2018), tells the story of Ahmed, a Somali refugee in his early 20s who left his COO at the age of three with his mother and two older siblings. Since then, he has been living in the Dadaab refugee camp in Kenya. As the primary provider for the household, he repairs electronics in the camp through a sole proprietorship that he opened in 2013. Since business ownership in the refugee camp cannot be registered with Kenyan authorities, Ahmed’s activities can be considered as part of the gray market. He often barters services for other services, meals and products, which he otherwise would be unable to source.

In Chap. 16, Tengeh (2018) presents the entrepreneurial story of Oliver Nkafo. Having elected to leave his home country of Cameroon due to the hostile political climate and poor socio-economic options for young, educated Cameroonians, he headed to South Africa, where he became a serial entrepreneur. He has created an internet café, worked in the taxi industry, bakki for hire and has created a restaurant, three bed and breakfasts (B&B) and three furniture shops. Today, the B&Bs and furniture shops employ close to 20 staff and over the years have employed family and extended family members, enabling them to acquire business skills and open their own businesses.

Alkhaled (2018) presents the story of Hanifa in Chap. 17. Fearing the travesties of war in her native home of Syria, Hanifa fled to Jordan in 2011, where extended family resided. There, she, her husband and five children stayed with her brother-in-law for a period before they gained independence and Hanifa started employment in a local charity. With an increasing need to be home with her PTSD-affected daughter, Hanifa thought of starting a micro-business for herself. Still home-based today, Hanifa’s catering business has successfully serviced many events and is supported by her son and daughters, who help with social media and promotions, in particular.

In all, these stories represent the incredible super-diversity (Vertovec 2007) that exists amongst refugees, as well as their businesses. They also form the basis of the first cross-case analysis undertaken on refugeeentrepreneurship on this scale, developed by Freiling and Harima (2018) in Chap. 18.

1.7 Roots of the Book

The idea to launch this book project came about in preparatory discussions in which the three editors engaged prior to the “2nd International Conference on Migration and Diaspora Entrepreneurship (MDE2016)—Challenges and Potential Solutions”. The conference took place at the University of Bremen in Germany, in November 2016. Refugees have increasingly come to the center of public discourse, and news reports that highlight refugee entrepreneurs in local media in various parts of the world have contributed to this momentum. The timing of the conference coincided with this, and thus, a workshop session was held during the conference in order to discuss the potential of documenting a series of case studies. Interested potential contributors were invited to discuss and mutually develop a framework for case study development, and from there, examinations of refugee entrepreneurs in various CORs commenced. In July 2017, contributors were invited to join a one-day workshop (MDE Workshop on Refugee Entrepreneurship) in Bremen, dedicated to refugeeentrepreneurship. Twenty-one cases were introduced and presented in a poster format, with vivid pictures of the entrepreneurs and their business activities. As a group, we further discussed the proposed framework for the case studies and readjusted it according to the contributors’ suggestions. Final details of the book, including timeframes, consent to participate and other organizational issues, were discussed on November 30 and December 1, 2017 at the “3rd International Conference on Migration and Diaspora Entrepreneurship Conference (MDE 2017)—Exploring Creative Solutions to Exploit the Migrants’ Entrepreneurial Capacity”. That is when concerted work on the project commenced.

1.8 On How to Read this Book

It is our hope that this book and the 16 stories told of the individual entrepreneurial journeys will serve to inspire future empirical work within the field, as well as greater scientific and theoretical consideration of the phenomenon. Each chapter’s focus is to bring to life the lived experience of our fellow neighbors and business owners—to lift the veil of misconception while exploring the complexities of refugee entrepreneurship.

In this light, however, the significance of the narratives can only be appraised if we extend our vision beyond livelihood measures and profitmaking. Rather, as Swedberg (2006, 27–29) so poignantly argued, we must not treat entrepreneurship “in isolation from issues of community, the production of social values, sense making and life-orientations, participation in civil society, business principles guided by social responsibility, alleviation of social problems, and social change (Alvord et al. 2004) thereby pushing the economy [and society] into new directions”. As our cases illustrate, the motivators for entrepreneurship are incredibly varied. Yet, on an intrinsic level, the impetus to “do good”, to “be self-sustaining”, to “be useful”, to “help” and to “be free” accompany desires for social and economic inclusion. From many voices, these stories harmonize into a vibrant chorus that sings out resounding messages of diversity, resilience, creativity, development and triumph from all parts of the world.

Individually, each chapter offers unique lessons that can be taken into classrooms, which can spark wide discussions and help inform policymakers in their future decisions regarding refugee issues. In a time of unprecedented numbers of refugees worldwide, encouraging dialogue and reflection on issues that are so often overshadowed or cast in a negative light, but which can have a positive impact on local and national levels of society, is imperative. Thus, let each of the following chapters, as well as the cross-case analysis, serve to marshal new and informed stewardship.