1 Introduction

Little is known in Brazil about the impact of cultural diversity and inclusion in organizations. Systematically, cultural diversity has been defined as the representation, in a social system, of people with different group identities and that have different cultural meanings (e.g. Roberson 2006). There is already a consensus that organizations need to go beyond the mere concern with diversity and also consider inclusion in its context (e.g. Qin et al. 2014; Shemla et al. 2014; Thomas and Ely 1996). In organizations with a culture of inclusion, all identity groups have the opportunity to be present, so that their voices are heard, appreciated and can perform core activities on behalf of the community (Ferdman 2014; Pless and Maak 2004).

This chapter has the initial objective to identify and explore the Brazilian academic production between the years 2010–2015, pinpointing some practical experiences in training aimed at diversity. Then, we point out some already established practices in diversity management and inclusion in organizations, which may contribute to the growth of companies beyond the effects of traditional affirmative action programs. These practices typically encompass training and monitoring diversity and inclusion aimed at minority groups, among others. In short, what is expected, above all, it is that this chapter can help to expand knowledge and debate on diversity and inclusion in organizations, serving as a reference for future projects, and for the formulation of organizational practices regarding the theme.

2 Brazilian Literature on Diversity and Inclusion

To draw a picture of Brazilian literature on the theme, a search of the studies was done in SPELL (Scientific Periodicals Electronic Library), a Brazilian scientific articles repository in the area of Administration, Economy and Accounting, SciELo (Scientific Electronic Library Online) which covers a selected collection of Brazilian scientific journals. The searches were conducted by the combination of the key words “diversity” and/or “inclusion” and “management of organizational diversity”, for the period of 2010 and 2015. To ensure that most studies in the field would be identified, the “snowball” technique was used, which consisted in checking the references of all initially selected studies, so that in the end, studies could reference each other and no studies would be ignored. In total, 54 studies were identified, which were then analyzed according to the following criteria: (a) the context of publications; (b) methodological characteristics; and (c) results found. A large number of publications were actually reviews of international literature, its theoretical applications to the Brazilian context, or essays with no empirical findings. These studies were afterwards reduced to a list of 18 publications (Table 10.1). Most highlight the connections between theory, empirical research and practice. Nevertheless, only few of them are directly connected to the HRM system and Circle of Inclusion already discussed in the book (see Arenas et al., Chap. 1 in this volume).

Table 10.1 Bibliographic survey on diversity and inclusion in Brazilian scientific journals—2010–2015
Full size table

It should be noticed that in none of the 54 Brazilian publications the theme of Social Dialogue was identified, or discussed. Social dialogue, in Brazil, is understood in terms of collaborative and social networks that facilitate the diversity management and real inclusion of employees (Pulignano 2011). For the author, such practices are sustained by new forms of direct support of the State, at the supranational level, highlighting the intra-organizational difference. This lack of reference to Social Dialogue, or even of a discussion regarding its idea and meaning, is probably related to the fact that the concept of social dialogue is yet largely neglected by the national scientific production, and equally important, to the practice of diversity and inclusion in Brazilian organizations, as the brief review of its intervention will show. For the International Labor Office (ILO), Social Dialogue includes all types of negotiation, consultation or simply exchange of information between, or among, representatives of governments, employers and workers on issues of common interest relating to economic and social policy. The Social Dialogue is a tool of good governance and its relevance is not just related to promote more performing and competitive economy but to make society in general more stable and more equitable (ILO 2015). In the context of ILO, Social Dialogue takes many different forms. In stricto sensu it can exist as a tripartite process, with the government as an official party in the dialogue, along with workers and employers through their independent representative organizations on issues of common interest. Whereas in Europe trade unions and labor associations exert substantial influence on the decisions in economic and social policy construction, in many Latin American countries Social Dialogue with a functioning institutionalized framework for social partnership is still at an early stage (Schrey 2007). This is the case of Brazilian Trade Union model that limits and constrains the true Social Dialogue.

The Brazilian Trade Union model is not governed by freedom of association, since Brazil has not ratified Convention N. 87, established by ILO. This fundamental convention sets forth the right for workers and employers to establish and join organizations of their own choosing without previous authorization. Workers’ and employers’ organizations will organize freely and not be liable to be dissolved or suspended by administrative authority. Consequently, in Brazil there is a lack of respect for the right of freedom of association and incipient collective bargaining, due to a industrial relations system deeply rooted in a political and historical context, which was consolidated in a “social protection model”, as opposed to a more liberal, flexible one (Cardoso 2004). Thus, the Trade Union model in Brazil prevents the full development of Social Dialogue (Godoy 2010). In this context, social inclusion of minority groups in private organizations has been done ‘by top down public policies without a broad discussion with representatives of employer and workers, such as the Law for People with Disabilities (Law No. 13,146), for instance.

Although scarce and recent, the studies in Brazil discuss, in general, the representation of different groups in organizations, and organizational practices for an effective inclusion. Another trend of investigation studies the feelings and experiences of minorities, and organizations’ quota policies targets. We can also highlight studies that address specific discrimination processes with respect to race/ethnicity, gender or age, or racism, sexism and ageism, as the main sources of isms. It is worth noticing that these studies point how such isms mean that prejudice (i.e., attitude) or discrimination (i.e., behavior) do exist in the organization. They refer to the organization’s own institutionalized oppression system in its context, which creates, implements and maintains phenomena such as lack of equal opportunity for growth within the organization, biases in recruitment, segregationist organizational policies, among others (Cox 1994). Being institutionalized, they need little or no participation of individuals to their continuity, hence being kept for their own purposes, forming a vicious cycle.

In the following paragraphs we will briefly describe the findings of the reviewed studies, following the steps of the Circle of Inclusion in the human resource management system, introduced in Chap. 1 (please see Arenas et al., Chap. 1 in this volume). Presotti (2011) investigated the visions and practices of diversity management and their effects on inclusion, using as main reference the paradigms of diversity management by Thomas and Ely (1996). Clearly referring to Inclusive Recruitment and Discrimination-free Selection step, the author identified a tendency in organizations to manage their diversity from the discrimination and justice perspective (i.e., quotas as a way of promoting justice). Nevertheless, organizations seem to have built in its discourse the Learning and Effectiveness paradigm (Thomas and Ely 1996), which includes diversity as a source of learning and effectiveness in the organization.

Within the theme of isms, some relevant work deserve attention. Zauli et al. (2012) investigated the attitude of the Brazilian House of Representatives in relation to equal opportunities and career advancement of Women.Footnote 1 Referring to Performance Appraisal and Compensation step, they observed that opportunities to engage in leadership positions in the House of Representatives is lower for Women when compared to Men. The same relationship was found by Zidório (2012) in hospitals, which is also consistent with the surveys of the ILO, which shows that the female presence is only 5% in high-rank positions in Brazil (ILO 2015).

Sexual discrimination was investigated by Irigaray et al. (2010), who identified the use of humor as a legitimate way of ensuring discrimination against Homosexuals in organizations. As for ageism, Nascimento (2010) observed evidence of discrimination (by age) within police organizations. Other studies present an overview of age discrimination in recruitment and selection practices, specifically aimed at the elderly and retirement (França and Stepansky 2012). Pereira and Hanashiro (2014) also studied the practice of discrimination in organizations, and noticed that professionals unemployed aged over 45 did use several strategies in order not to reveal the true age. Once again, these studies can be understood as representatives of the Inclusive Recruitment and Discrimination-free Selection step, when the Circle of Inclusion is referred to.

Cerqueira and Pérez-Nebra (2013) and Oliveira and Pérez-Nebra (2012) conducted a series of in-depth interviews with cleaning employees, identifying mechanisms of exclusion and discrimination that operate in their work environments. Clearly connected with the A Safe Place to All step, the authors observed that different forms of discrimination ranged from subcontracting (i.e., outsourcing), to the relationship between peers (i.e., ignoring the employee’s name). Such mechanisms impact the organization in terms of its turnover and employees’ relations, considering the social invisibility of these employees and their consequent social devaluation. This study also identified correlations with the gender, since this professional category is typically made up of Women in the country.

Most studies that deal with diversity and inclusion practices in Brazilian organizations are focused on People with Disabilities (PwD), as shown in a survey conducted in the years of 2010 and 2015, in the electronic library SPELL®. As such, in almost their entirety, these studies deal with Inclusive Recruitment and Discrimination-free Selection processes, a clear recurrent theme in Brazil. The reason for this is that Brazil enforced quotas for PwD and for youngsters, the latter being commonly hired as apprentices or interns. However, after more than 20 years since the publication of the PwD’s Law, there are continuing difficulties of organizations in adapting their practices to the laws and to the needs of these people (Campos et al. 2013; Carvalho-Freitas and Marques 2010; iSocial 2015; Presotti 2011).

Two antagonistic positions are present when it comes to enforcement of quotas for PwD’s. On the one hand, managers state as a reason for non-compliance of the law the lack of people with compatible skills with the position, and the lack of government support (Presotti 2011; Campos et al. 2013). On the other hand, HR professionals indicate that the qualification of persons with disabilities is average or above average when compared to persons without disabilities (iSocial 2015), although few are the references made to the steps Colorful Socialization and Training and Work designs that work. These two positions reveal an important contradiction that must be deepened. From the point of view of PwD, there is the recognition of quotas as a facilitator of access to the labor market. However, they realize that there is distrust of their skills and capabilities, and difficulties in accessibility and promotion within the company (Vianna et al. 2012), in contrast to the perception of themselves as positive and not limited by disability (Coelho 2012). These data are consistent with research conducted by Leão and Silva (2012) that identified the excess of suffering over pleasure at work, by PwD due to physical and mental exhaustion and lack of recognition at work.

Similarly, a survey conducted with 1519 HR professionals in Brazil, revealed that only 3% said that the reason for hiring PwD is due their working potential, while 86% say that hire the PwD only to comply with the quotas law, and finally, only 2% do so because they value diversity (iSocial 2015). Thus, there are indications that there is still prejudice against this group, and it is possible that this is impacting on both their exclusion from work and at work.

As discussed by Presotti (2011) and previously by Saraiva and Irigaray (2009), it is remarkable the internalization of a politically correct speech in diversity, which is not necessarily accompanied by the application of this speech. Themes such as Developing Multiple Careers and Termination are not even discussed, while others such as Inclusive Recruitment are emphasized, what per se draws a picture regarding Inclusion in Brazilian organizations. In order for the practice to be increasingly closer to the theory, we must invest in policies and management tools, making efforts for the accomplishment of inclusion as practice.

3 Diversity and Inclusion in Brazil

3.1 What’s the Scenario?

In recent years, Brazil begins to dawn a timid attention to the issue of diversity and inclusion (Hanashiro et al. 2011). As noticed elsewhere, “we do not address the intellectual debate in academia regarding the concept of inclusion, neither the tension regarding its conceptual breakthrough” (Hanashiro 2016, p. 86). The international studies have been used in Brazil more as a theoretical reference, than a possibility for immediate application. This is due to historical, cultural and social differences, which give different contexts for businesses, and especially to the access to goods and power for different social groups. Even so, Brazilian cultural diversity is visible, which places its discussion at a compulsory level and, above all, a promising one. The status of the implementation of inclusion in the Brazilian reality is the same of the classic studies on diversity of the 80s and 90s. Still, most recent studies can serve as a horizon for which to aim.

3.2 Main Practices in Brazilian Organizations: Affirmative Action and Diversity Training

Affirmative action programs, themselves, do result in making organizational demographics more diverse with the compulsory insertion of historically underrepresented groups. However, inclusion is more difficult to be achieved than diversity (Winter 2014). Policies and practices of training are welcome to create an inclusive culture. To talk about inclusion in Brazilian organizations means, largely, to understand the impacts of the Law for People with Disabilities (Law No. 13,146), due to its scope and impact on management. Some affirmative action policies aimed at different social groups do contribute to the expansion, directly or indirectly, of diversity and inclusion in Brazilian organizations.

3.2.1 Affirmative Action in the Public and Private Sectors

The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) has assumed an important role as a network for the development of cultural diversity, social inclusion and quality of life. Its concern with human development has seeded affirmative action programs at different levels and countries, aiming the social and economic inclusion of historically excluded populations. In Brazil, the idea of affirmative action programs (AAP) is based on the understanding that social phenomena are not natural, but a result of the various social interactions (Presotti 2011), hence the need for political intervention in reversing the inequality in a given society (Alves and Galeão-Silva 2004). One of the landmarks of policies against discrimination and in favor of equal treatment was given in 1948 with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UN 1948).

Studying AAP, Menezes (2003) discussed the Brazilian Public Policies for Social Inclusion, and claimed the importance of the participation of the private sector for the implementation and success of these policies. According to the authors, almost all of Public Policies for Social Inclusion in Brazil, especially in the economic field (generation of employment and income), depend on the public and private sectors in order to promote social inclusion. A good example is the Law 10,097/2000 (known as Apprentice Law) which plays the role of a professional training tool, to generate income and employment for under aged (especially lower income) through training and internship in companies. To improve access of youngsters to the labor market, the Law requires of the company to hire a percentage of young employees. In the same vein, the Law 8,213/1991 requires companies with more than 100 employees to have in their workforce from 2 to 5% rehabilitated people or people with physical or intellectual disabilities. Thus, it appears that companies have a strategic role in the success of inclusive public policies that are organized by the Brazilian government, whether at the Federal, State or Municipal levels (Menezes 2003).

Also seeking a greater social inclusion the government programs ‘Education for All’ and the ‘All the School’ point to the fact that the formal education problem in Brazil is not limited to the inclusion of PwD, once there is a large percentage of people without learning difficulties still outside the room of class. As discussed by Glat and Nogueira (2002), in the past decade about 3.8 million children and young people (4–17 years) were out of school, which was reflected in actions that were taken in both the public and private sectors, in order to minimize this gap. With regard to higher education, Almeida and Ernica (2015) indicate that during the 2000s there was a significant expansion of this educational group in Brazil, from the perspective of social inclusion.

Regarding the public higher education, AAP have been around longer than its private counterpart, and have played an important role for the expansion of social inclusion. Feres Jr. and Daflon (2015) point out that more than 70% of State and Federal public universities practice some kind of affirmative action since 2011, mainly through quotas systems and student finance systems. In 2012, the government introduced an ambitious measure to expand social inclusion and equity of opportunity, by the Law 12,711/2012. This law states that at least 50% of students of federal universities and institutes are those who have completed high school in public schools. In filling in these vacancies, 50% will be reserved for students from families with low income (at or below 1.5 minimum salaries per capita). This program still has a racial perspective (based on self-declaration), and vary according to the proportion of Blacks, Brown and Natives in the state’s population of Brazil where the institution is located.

The same can be observed in civil society. According to Lima (2010) significant changes in the society regarding the racial theme can already be perceived due to the adoption of AAP. Although, according to the author, the debate has strongly focused on the quota system for public universities, the actions of past governments and civil society have similar programs in other areas. However, AAP are still scarce in the country if we consider all excluded groups in organizations. And there are still operational problems when it comes to those AAP that have been implemented, such as difficulties for recruiting skilled workers, discrimination regarding the programs themselves, and cultural barriers, such as that of the myth that in Brazil we live in “a country without prejudices.” Although it can be considered as a way to move political responsibilities from the public to the private sphere (Presotti 2011), AAP in the country are still insufficient, and those in place remain with little or no impact assessed.

An affirmative action program that has been going in the opposite direction of the social inclusion of low-income people is Bill 112/2010. The Bill states that the board of directors of public companies, as well as other companies controlled by the federal government must have a minimum of 40% Women in its composition by the year 2024. The proposition for the implementation of quotas on the board derives from a Brazilian reality that remains almost unchanged: the presence of Women on board of directors represents only 8% of the 2647 effective positions in 2011 (IBGC 2009).

3.2.2 From Diversity to Inclusion: Training

Public policies aimed at social inclusion are fulfilling its role in the democratization of higher education. However, some evidences (Aranha Neto 2014) show that the institutions involved have yet not developed initiatives for the permanence of these students in the university and their integration in environments that do not reflect the profile of quota students. This reality highlights the importance of socialization practices in order to integrate groups of different social identities in the academic environment. Similarly, we can argue that employees from different cultural identities in Brazil still need actions oriented towards their socialization to the working group. Organizational socialization refers to “the way in which the learning experiences of people who assume new positions, status, or roles in organizations are structured by others within the organization” (Van Maanen 1989, p. 45). These people, according to Van Maanen, acquire a social knowledge and experience required to perform a specific activity in the organization. Regarding its feasibility—to make the individual an effective member of the organization—organizational socialization reflects “the individual’s integration process with the organization in the exercise of certain office” (Borges and Albuquerque 2004, p. 333).

Organizational socialization, thus, is so important for all employees in transition (of office, job, business etc.), as well as it seems exceptionally relevant to the effectiveness of diversity policies (see also Medina and Gamero, Chap. 9 in this volume). It is assumed that, in the case of minority (historically underrepresented groups) the primary socialization (the one learned in family) and secondary (learned in other settings) may have been different from the dominant group. Thus, regarding PwD employees, who are facing a reality still little experienced by most of them, data from a survey conducted by Carvalho-Freitas and Marques (2010) with PwD managers showed that few actions are carried out by the Human Resources sector for their integration in Brazilian organizations. The reason, according to respondents, is based on the fact that they consider PwD equal to other employees, denying any special needs (Carvalho-Freitas and Marques 2010, p. 269). Surveys conducted in two Brazilian companies (Maia and Carvalho-Freitas 2015) revealed that workers with disabilities are subjected to an integration training when joining the company that do not use systematic methodological strategies that ensure equal opportunities for PwD. Preferably, companies performed on-the-job training, i.e., learning is done informally in the routine work, with monitoring and the help of their colleagues, who were not previously prepared for such task.

The practices developed by successful private companies (mainly global) in Brazil point to a more promising reality for effective diversity management. A survey conducted by the authors for this chapter on institutional sites of a sample of these companies—Serasa/Expirian, PriceWaterhouse Cooper (PWC)s, Ernst & Young (EY), Natura and Ericsson—showed that the best practices of diversity are aimed at training, development and education. In a nut shell, the focus of such policies is directed especially to Women and PwD. These companies develop various practices to promote diversity and inclusion, and have formal area within its organizational structure responsible for these issues. All have training programs, formal or informal, mandatory or voluntary. Among the training strategies stand out: events for promotion of inclusive culture (Serasa/Expirian), mentoring programs, coaching or sponsorship to support the construction of social networks and accelerate Women’s career to achieve strategic positions (PWC, EY and Ericsson), portals for specific topics (PWC and Ericsson), release films (Ericsson), among other minor initiatives.

On the top of these specific programs, some companies go beyond the organizational wall when it comes to diversity. For example, Ericsson and PWC are engaged in the HeforShe solidarity movement. This is an international campaign of United Nations for gender equality and Women empowerment. It aims to engage Men and Boys to new gender relations without attitudes and sexist behaviors. Natura is inserted in one association named “movement Woman 360”. This association is a Brazilian Non-Governmental Organizations made up of 12 companies. Its purpose is to stimulate the engagement of business communities on the issue of gender equality and address ways to incorporate this discussion in their business strategy. PWC provides racial equality training through partnership with Zumbi of Palmares, a Brazilian Black college. Ericsson participates in the international program Girls in the Information and Communication Technologies day. These socially responsible initiatives express an incipient concern for an education for (and towards) diversity.

The way diversity training is faced in Brazil reflects the way diversity is understood in its organizational context. The way diversity is perceived is a broad question, and the expression diversity in organizations can refer to any features that make people different from each other. When organizations deal with the issue of diversity only from the perspective of avoiding discrimination, they seek to work through justice and compliance with laws. Thus, it is expected that all are treated equally and respected. Some examples of this approach are the Brazilian affirmative action programs and quotas for minorities. Yet, the Straight White Man still has the largest market wage, sometimes while playing the same organizational role of a Woman. For these reasons there are affirmative action programs and quotas for minorities; it is an attempt to include them. When the organization uses this type of strategy to deal with diversity, it can be said that the workforce is diverse, but the company does not take advantage of people with different stories who, in turn, cannot add to the organization in terms of different forms of vision, and performance of tasks. More broadly the issue of diversity is based on the understanding that Women, Blacks, Natives, Homosexuals and many other groups can bring knowledge and different views, which are important and competitively relevant to how the work can be done, enabling new and innovative ways to design processes, achieve goals, create teams, communicate ideas and lead. Most of private institutions in Brazil have no direct concern to inclusion issues. Bearing in mind that the main approach of these companies is the pursuit of profit, inclusion seems to be a question of merely complying with the legislation.

4 Conclusions and Agenda

Cultural diversity in organizations also means the inclusion of different people from Men, White, Heterosexual, married and with an average of 1.7 children—the “normal” Brazilian. And what is more important: diversity and inclusion recognize, reinforce and value the differences and similarities between people, which will help to achieve organizational and individual goals, on a win-win focus (Torres and Pérez-Nebra 2014). Culturally diverse organizations have both the potential for strong competitive advantages, as well as to be dysfunctional. In a simple illustration of this idea, we see that the practice of pointing racial groups through nicknames is considered in Brazil a friendly and caring practice (Rothblatt 2003), contributing to the notion of “racial democracy” in Brazil. However, this racial consciousness is pluralistic in symbolism, including race, social class and social position simultaneously, which creates a particularly virulent form of racism: the silent racism (Mikulak 2011).

However, diversity and inclusion have become part of social and organizational policies recently. The culture of racism, sexism, ageism and many other isms is still very present both in society as a whole, and in public and private institutions and organizations in particular. Much still has to be done in research terms and, more than that, much needs to be done to society and working organizations in order for them to realize the importance of these constructs, resulting in less prejudiced attitudes and more acceptance of diversity (Torres and Pérez-Nebra 2014). To accept individually, socially and historically significant differences is to develop attitudes in society that bring together actions that minimize, or even ban behaviors of discrimination and privilege within and outside organizations. It is expected that members of all groups are treated fairly in order to feel genuinely included, with equal opportunities in organizations and outside them. Fortunately, the themes of cultural diversity and inclusion are gaining an increasing space on the agenda of many organizations, however there is still much to be done to inclusive diversity management in organizations.

The fact that in none of the 54 Brazilian publications revised for this chapter the theme of Social Dialogue was identified or discussed may also reflect a serious agenda, both for scholars and practitioners. More incentives and efforts should be directed towards collaborative and social and organizational networks in order to smooth the progress of the diversity management and inclusion in Brazilian organizations. Further, we suggest that official organizational policies should move from a paternalist perspective, to one that brings together the participation of the State, employers’ and workers’ representatives in an economic and social policy-making in a variety of contexts, aiming at inclusion and diversity. Changes should start in the current instances, for instance, in the often rather confrontational Brazilian government-union-employer relations, when the State, unions and companies tend to only schedule discussions at the time of the yearly collective bargaining negotiation sessions.

A fair management of diversity and inclusion goes beyond the implementation of a set of practices to minimize the diversity mix in the organization. It refers to an environment that people may feel that they are accepted by the working group, authentic, and respected as a member of a given identity group. More than the demographic insertion through public policies or voluntary initiatives, inclusion requires training strategies towards historically excluded social groups. These are critical, since the corporate environment can be perceived as unfavorable and unfriendly by members of minority groups in general. It has been said that people search and aim to live with similar others, in the light of the Attraction and Similarity paradigm (Byrne 1971), and with a tendency to associate with and connect with people similar to themselves (McPherson and Smith-Lovin 2001). Due to that, diversity training initiatives are imperative, both for preparing the minority group members and their managers, so that they can live, share, value and create an opening environment to all.