Abstract
For decades, anyone entering national territory without valid documentation has faced criminalisation as an ‘illegal’. Although governments, international organisations, and societal majorities in receiving states support a type of order in which free movement is essentially restricted to the national sphere, resistance to such an order has also made itself felt. This comes in different forms and has different normative orientations, but all strands of it are united in striving to remove obstacles to human mobility and ease cross-border movement. However, none of these efforts has made much headway in turning the discursive tide on the regulation of international migration. Limited organisational capacity, difficulties in coalition-building, and ideological barriers have prevented success by oppositional and even more so by dissident actors.
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Notes
- 1.
By extension, those who smuggle migrants and refugees and are frequently criminalised for doing so can be seen as collaborators of the dissidents. Opposition to the criminalisation of such individuals is articulated by groups such as ‘no-racism.net’. See, for example, the latter’s 2014 campaign against the Austrian Aliens Act (no-racism.net 2014).
- 2.
Dissident supporters of migrants can, of course, also be organised as non-governmental groups and generally differ from oppositional actors mainly in their political aims and not their organisational form. That said, in contrast to oppositional NGOs—especially the large, transnational ones—they are often characterised by a network-like set-up involving fewer structures of a permanent or hierarchical kind and employing fewer professional staff.
- 3.
This case study focuses on international migration and does not look at mobility in the broader sense. No consideration is therefore given to regulation regarding short-term holiday or business travel.
- 4.
- 5.
Institutions, authorities, and forums that played a prominent role in this process included the International Conference on Population and Development (1994); the UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Migrants (created in 1999 by the Commission on Human Rights); the Berne Initiative (2001); the Geneva Migration Group (2003–2006), which developed into the Global Migration Group (meeting at regular intervals since 2006); the United Nations General Assembly High Level Dialogue on International Migration and Development (2006); and the Global Forum on Migration and Development (which has met annually since 2007).
- 6.
Other conventions and agreements touching directly or indirectly on the issue of migration include the European Social Charter (1991/1996); the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (1965); the Convention against Transnational Organized Crime (2000); the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress, and Punish Trafficking in Persons (2003); and the Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea, and Air (2004).
- 7.
In Europe, only Bosnia and Herzegovina, Albania, and Turkey have ratified the Convention.
- 8.
The ILO Convention on Migration for Employment (No. 97, 1949) has only been ratified by 49 states—though these include many members of the EU. The number of those who have ratified the Migrant Workers Convention (No. 143, 1975) is even smaller: 23.
- 9.
“It is recognised that the return of persons found not to be in need of international protection or not otherwise authorised to enter and remain is essential to maintaining the integrity of a migration management system as well as to maintaining the integrity of the institution of asylum” (IOM and UNHCR 2001: 5).
- 10.
The Schengen Agreement (1985/1996) provides for the largely unrestricted movement of people within its area of application. The right of EU citizens to work and reside freely within the Union has been established gradually over time (e.g. in EC Directive 2004/38/EC).
- 11.
Analysis of all publicly available EU Council documents dating from 1999 to 2014 demonstrates this (see Annex)—though there has been an overall increase in the use of the term ‘irregular migration’ over this period, from five occurrences in 1999 to 151 occurrences in 2014.
- 12.
Since 1999, member states have increased harmonisation by establishing the Common European Asylum System (CEAS), which is also intended to ensure equal minimum standards for all asylum applicants across the Union. As part of the CEAS, the Dublin Regulation stipulates that the member state of first access is responsible for processing an asylum claim.
- 13.
Another is the Directive on Seasonal Workers (2014/36/EU), adopted in February 2014 and designed to ease and harmonise the rules governing seasonal employment and to protect the rights of non-EU workers engaged in this kind of work.
- 14.
The GAMM provides the overarching framework for EU policy on external migration and asylum. Besides defining four political priorities (improving the management of legal migration, combating irregular migration and human trafficking, maximising impacts on development, and promoting international protection), it has developed a number of legal, political, and operational instruments and projects.
- 15.
Individual member states often maintain their own agreements in addition to the EU partnerships.
- 16.
In Germany, which has so far issued the highest number of Blue Cards, applicants need to earn a minimum of €48,400 per year, or, in the case of workers designated by the national authorities as urgently required, €37,752 per year.
- 17.
The full text of the Charter is available at http://no-racism.net/upload/875914516.pdf, accessed 11 March 2015.
- 18.
One of the SIS’s activities is disseminating information on irregular migrants to the Schengen states and associated EU countries.
- 19.
This is even more true of the UNHCR and the UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Migrants.
- 20.
The Convention of the Law of the Sea (1982), for instance, stipulates the obligation to rescue people in distress at sea, regardless of their nationality or status.
- 21.
As indicated, non-refoulement is a legal requirement in relation to refugees. However, it also has relevance for many irregular migrants: given that, in reality, the distinction between refugees and migrants is blurred, and claiming asylum may be the only means of gaining entry to a destination state, being able to lodge such a claim is important for all intercepted persons, regardless of their eventual status.
- 22.
Following the deaths of hundreds of refugees off the island of Lampedusa in October 2013, Italy launched the Mare Nostrum rescue mission. Because most other EU states refused to help resource it, the mission was terminated after a year and replaced with the Frontex-run Triton mission. Initially, this had only a third of Mare Nostrum’s budget and covered a much smaller area. It was only after 800 more refugees died within a few days in May 2015 that the EU mission was expanded to a size roughly equivalent to that of its Italian predecessor.
- 23.
In contrast to the position taken in this book, dissidents as described here appear to view the global order as hierarchical, since, in their view, every policy-field is ultimately dominated by neoliberal capitalism.
- 24.
The closest any government has come to instituting general freedom of movement was the inclusion, by Ecuador, of a ‘universal citizenship’ provision in its constitution. This measure, adopted in 2008, allowed visa-free entry to all for stays of up to three months. In 2010, following pressure at home and internationally, visas were reintroduced for 10 African and Asian countries, including China, Afghanistan, Eritrea, and Somalia (Feline Freier 2013).
- 25.
One indication of this is the significant increase in the use of the term ‘migration management’ in EU documents—though its frequency is nowhere near that of the phrase ‘border control’. For details, see Annex.
- 26.
The increased association is, again, demonstrated by an analysis of EU documents. This shows that the number of documents containing both the word ‘terrorism’ and the word ‘migration’ increased sharply in 2001, peaking in 2006 and subsequently remaining relatively stable. See Annex.
- 27.
Pope Francis, for instance, called the Lampedusa boat tragedy of October 2013 ‘a disgrace’.
- 28.
The 2014 Frontex Annual Activity Report, for example, describes the Triton mission in the following terms:
To help Italy deal with the rising tide of migrants, Frontex launched Joint Operation Triton at the beginning of November…Although the key objective of JO Triton is to support Italian authorities at the external sea borders, the operation also provides additional search and rescue capacity in the Central Mediterranean as assets deployed in the operation routinely suspend all border control activities to respond to search and rescue coordination centre (MRCC) requests to assist with distress calls. (EU Council 2015a: 14–5)
- 29.
In summer 2015, the European Commission proposed the admission of an obligatory quota of refugees by each member state. In the Council, however, member states only committed themselves to accepting refugees on a voluntary basis.
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Annex
Occurrences of migration-related terms in publicly available EU documents 1999–2014*
*Documents accessible via the Council of the European Union register at http://www.consilium.europa.eu/register/en/content/int/?lang=en&typ=ADV, using the ‘public documents only’ option
Occurrences of the terms ‘illegal migration’ and ‘irregular migration’ in EU documents issued between 1 January 1999 and 31 December 2014, 344
Number of EU documents issued in the period from 1 January 1999 to 31 December 2014 in which the terms ‘border control’ or ‘migration management’ appear, 344
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Gertheiss, S. (2017). Migration under Control: Sovereignty, Freedom of Movement, and the Stability of Order. In: Gertheiss, S., Herr, S., Wolf, K., Wunderlich, C. (eds) Resistance and Change in World Politics . Global Issues. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50445-2_8
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