Abstract
The essay briefly analyses the birth, evolution and current status of European political parties, strictly dependent on national parties, to which European elections have so far been effectively entrusted. Then, the study underlines the role that European parties actually should play to strengthen the process of political integration in Europe. From this perspective, the essay aims at identifying the buttons to push to consolidate a genuine European system of mature political parties that can perform the long-standing task assigned to them by the Treaties, i.e. contribute to creating a truly European political awareness among EU citizens, as laid down in Art. 10 TEU.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
On the same point also Allegri (2013), p. 29 ff.
- 3.
Even if in an overtly politological perspective, the same facts are assessed by Goulard and Monti (2012), p. 43 ff.
- 4.
About the strength of “national delegations” within European groups and, therefore, in the context of parliamentary works, cfr. Bindi and D’Ambrosio (2005), p. 184 ff.
- 5.
- 6.
- 7.
About parties as social groupings, for all, Chimenti (1997), p. 51 ff.
- 8.
According to the well-known analysis by Duverger (1961), p. 16 ff.
- 9.
In this sense, Guidi (1983), p. 137.
- 10.
About the origins of parties in Great Britain, and in particular on the affirmation of their “national organization” in a moment subsequent to their so called “parliamentary organization”, cfr. Ferri (1950), p. 13 ff.; and Biscaretti Di Ruffia, (1965), p. 755, discussing the rise of “Parliamentary party” in the second half of XVII century, whereas the true “Party Organisation” would have taken place only after 1867 with the Liberal Association of Birmingham. On this topic, see also Rossano (1972), p. 281 ff.; Massari (1992), especially p. 116 ff., where is highlighted how in the British system, given the original strict connection between parliamentary and extra-parliamentary parties’ organization, more than “groups”, it would be more appropriate to refer to parties “in Parliament”; and Tripaldi and Teklè (2001), p. 215 ff.
- 11.
Cfr. De Vergottini (1973), p. 168 ff.
- 12.
For further reference on the relationship between parliamentary groups—parties Ciancio (2008), in particular, p. 141 ff., and p. 177 ff.
- 13.
Art. 19, 1Rég. Ass. Nat.: “Les deputes peuvent se grouper par affinités politiques”; and Art. 5, 1 Rég. Sen.: “Les sénateurs peuvent s’organiser en groupes par affinités politiques”, see Biagi (2001), p. 109 ff. About the analogies between the provisions of internal organization of EP and those of the Regulations of French parliamentary Assemblies see Guidi (1982), p. 585 ff., and Guidi (1983), p. 60.
- 14.
Cfr., most recently, Art. 30 of the Regulation. About the requirements for constituting groups within the EP, in detail, Baroncelli (2001), p. 14 ff.
- 15.
Court of First Instance, sez. III expanded session, 2-10-, joined cases T-222/99, T-327/99 e T-329/99, Martinez—De Gaulle—Front National_Bonino et al. v. European Parliament, in Racc. giur., 2001, II-2823, already deeply assessed in Ciancio (2008), in particular p. 83 ff.
- 16.
Contrary to the provisions of the French Regulations of the Assemblies, indeed, deputies grouped within the EP are not required to sign a common political declaration, whereas, under the impulse of the presidency office, in recent years, it was introduced a canon for interpretation according to which the requisite of political affinities is considered implicit to the very constitution of the group and can be contested in the merit only in the case of overt negation of its existence by the group’s very components, in which case the Parliament will have o consider whether it complied or not with the Regulation. On this point, most recently, Baroncelli (2014), p. 104 ff.
- 17.
On this point, it is worth mentioning that the first appearance in European primary law of provision on political parties occurred at the same time with the introduction of (then called) “community” citizenship: indeed, notwithstanding the provision on political parties was included in the section of the EC Treaty relating to the Parliament, it manifestly interacts with the idea of the European system as a political, and no longer merely economical, community conclusively accepted with the signature of Maastricht.
- 18.
“Political parties at European level are important as a factor for integration within the Union. They contribute to forming a European awareness and to expressing the political will of the citizens of the Union”. On the provision see, among others, Tsatsos (1995), p.8.
- 19.
“Political parties at European level contribute to forming European political awareness and to expressing the will of citizens of the Union”.
- 20.
As underlined by Bin and Pitruzzella (2013), p. 100.
- 21.
Contra Bin (2014), p. 504 ff., according to which, beside very limited recent exceptions (as evidenced by the famous cases Kadi, on terrorism, e Digital Rights Ireland Ltd., on privacy protection) the ECJ is not even today primarily driven to protect individual freedoms but rather, as always, the four original economic freedoms. For a different interpretation of European case-law, considering it oriented since the very beginning to the protection of fundamental rights, cfr. Galetta (2013), p. 1175 ss. On the point, see also Ciancio (2012).
- 22.
On the topic of the preliminary ruling ex Art. 267 TEU, see Romboli (2014), p. 431 ss.
- 23.
De Vergottini (2009) finds in the EU’s value set-up the truly “constitutional” feature of the European system, notwithstanding a vision of the nature of the EU that he still considers strongly international and, as such, lacking the characteristics of a genuine federal political union. Similarly, Castorina (2010), p. 379 ff.
- 24.
On the topic, recently, Ciancio (2016).
- 25.
See again, De Vergottini (2009).
- 26.
Manifestly, the reference is to the Magna Charta (Libertatum), proclaimed in 1215 by King John Plantagenet.
- 27.
Locke (1690), among which in particular, see The Second Treaty on Government.
- 28.
The statement is clearly attributable to De Secondat (1748).
- 29.
The reference is to French municipal elections occurred in France on March 23rd 2014, with a second ballot turn the following Sunday March 30th.
- 30.
For the outcomes of the EP 2014 elections, see the essays collected in Caravita (2015).
- 31.
About the different meaning attributable to the idea of democratic deficit of the EU after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, see Manzella (2014b), p. 5 ff.
- 32.
In particular through the extension of the procedure, now elevated to “ordinary legislative procedure”(Art. 289, par. 1 TFEU) and the numerous occasions of political control especially towards the Commission (President nomination, censorship power, queries), which moreover is annually due to present a general relation on the activity of the Union (Art. 249, par.2 TFEU), in addition to specific relations on specific sectors; as well as towards other institutions (queries to the Council, the High representative for foreign affairs and even the ECB despite its absolute independence). It is also worth mentioning the intervention in the approval of the budget according to Art. 314 ss. TFEU. About the Parliament’s competences after the Lisbon Treaty, cfr. at least Fasone and Lupo (2012), p. 329 ff.
- 33.
Among all, see Lupo (2014), p. 101 ff.
- 34.
In this way Grimm (2014).
- 35.
About the “formal” conception of democracy, which reveals its “essence”, in procedural terms, in the selection criteria of the “leaders” by the people laying in the electoral method, see Kelsen (1995), p. 128 ff.
- 36.
On the point, it is possible to read again Ciancio (2014b), p. 4 ff.
- 37.
This is notoriously one of the positions argued for by Grimm (1996), p. 356 ff., which sees in the lack of a common language an obstacle, difficult to overcome, for the affirmation of a public opinion and a European public debate as assumptions of a true democracy in Europe and, lastly, main rational of the lack of existence of a European demos, which would oppose almost conclusively structuring the EU as a true political Union. Contra Habermas (1996), p. 372 ff.
- 38.
Up to the point to considering the EU already in possess of a “Constitution”, even if not intrinsically connected to a state-like nature, but rather according to a notion which places the same at the centre of a plurality of (political-institutional, legal and axiological) systems, of which it would at the same time be summary and manifestation, see Ruggeri (2014), p. 473 ff. On the point also Cariola (2014), p. 203 ff.
- 39.
- 40.
See Ciancio (2015b).
- 41.
For a similar position, see Ridola (2009), p. 6.
- 42.
EC Reg. n.2004/2003.
- 43.
See Grasso (2010), p. 609 ff.
- 44.
See also Martinelli (2004), p. 418.
- 45.
Similarly Fusacchia (2006), p. 88.
- 46.
Widely on the topic, Grasso (2010), p. 624.
- 47.
This purpose was also behind the amendments to Regulation of EP, with the inclusion of Title XI named “Competences relative to political parties at the European level” (Arts. 198–200), which among other things confers the European Parliament President to represent the institution in the relationships with European parties (Art. 198) and gives to the President’s office the task of evaluating request for financing.
- 48.
EP Resolution on political parties of March 23rd 2006, in GU C 292 E of December 1st 2006, 127.
- 49.
So n.4 of the Chapter titled “The political contest” in the Resolution cit.
- 50.
Point 2 of the Chapter on “The political contest”, cit.
- 51.
Point 3 of the Chapter on “The political contest”, cit.
- 52.
Reg. n. 1524/2007 of Dec.18th 2007, in GU L 343 of December 27th 2007.
- 53.
See Ciancio (2009).
- 54.
Art. 1 Reg. 1524/2007, amending Art. 2 of the 2003 Regulation, adding point 4 which identifies as the political foundation at the European level “an entity or network of entities” with legal personality in one Member State, “affiliated with a political party at the European level, which through its activities, within the aims and fundamental values pursued by the European Union, underpins and complements the objectives of the political party at European level”.
- 55.
See Gagatek and Van Hecke (2011).
- 56.
Cfr. again Art. 1 Reg. 1524/2007 amending Art. 3 Reg. 2003.
- 57.
Calossi (2015), p.10 ff. argues that European foundations were created with the aim “to give Europarties a new tool to help them carry out their functions and to strengthen their direct contacts with citizens”.
- 58.
For wider reflections on the topic, it is possible to see Ciancio (2015c).
- 59.
Looking sceptically at the possibility, which he now considers gone, Staiano(2012), p. 2 ff.
- 60.
- 61.
More details about the contents of the new Regulation in Savoia (2014), p. 10 ff.
- 62.
Literary defined in such a way only with the approval of these last provisions (whereas previously they were still identified as parties of “European scope”), which would then manifest in their very name at last attributed to European political groupings, the intent to free them from subordination and dependence from national parties, in which they had so far been entangled.
- 63.
Also in this case, we refer to a not-new provision, preceded by a similar provision already stated in Art. 190.4 TEC.
- 64.
- 65.
On the current limits of the European public sphere, see Statham and Trenz (2013).
- 66.
According to what is referenced also by Lippolis (2002), p. 955 ff.
- 67.
On the topic see most recently, Chiara (2014), p. 77 ff.
- 68.
EU Parliament Resolution of November 11th 2015 on the Reform of the electoral law of the European Union [2015/2035 (INL)], in www.europarl.europa.eu.
- 69.
Point 1of the EU Parliament Resolution of 11 November 2015 on the Reform of the 1976 Electoral Act.
- 70.
See Ciancio (2015a).
- 71.
See Curti Gialdino (2014).
- 72.
Lett. O of the Draft Report approved last 30 of June 2015 by the Constitutional Affairs Committee of the EU Parliament [2015/2035 (INL)] in www.europarl.europa.eu.
- 73.
Art.10.4 TEU.
- 74.
For more details, see Ciancio (2007), p. 157 ff.
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Ciancio, A. (2017). European Party System and Political Integration in Europe. In: Mangiameli, S. (eds) The Consequences of the Crisis on European Integration and on the Member States. Essays on Federalism and Regionalism, vol 2. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-47964-4_3
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