Abstract
This chapter proposes an in-depth analysis of the complex connections between religion and politics in democratic Argentina by focusing on the actions of political and religious leaders with respect to the approval of legislation on sexual education in 2006. Based on a reconstruction of the parliamentary defeat and the tedious path towards the effective implementation of sexual education in the education system, I examine the active negotiation between politics and religion in the public sphere, as well as the intervention strategies and discursive foundations of the religious institutions—principally the Catholic Church—that frequently influence legislation and governmental policies. I analyze the interaction between political culture, ecclesiastical power, and citizens’ rights in order to rethink national public administration and the possible conditions for guaranteeing an inclusive democracy.
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Notes
- 1.
However, it was only in the 2007 academic year that sexual education was made an obligatory topic in educational establishments. As we have also observed, the passing of a law does not per se guarantee its implementation in all of Argentina ’s territory. In fact, multiple interests operate that delay or block its execution.
- 2.
A perspective on gender implies a critical view of the roles and stereotypes historically assigned to men and women. According to this perspective, the anatomical and physiological differences between the sexes are resignified according to the ruling sociocultural standards in each society. From this follows the category of gender as a social construction—in contrast to the natural biological interpretation maintained by Christian anthropology—which proposes that values, representations, and symbols outline the meanings that are attributed to each sex in any given socio-historical moment. In a historical–cultural analysis of the social roles assigned to men and women, their unequal character stands out in their differing access to material and symbolic goods, and resources.
- 3.
One of the most evident examples of ecclesiastical efficacy in governmental decisions was recorded during the government of Carlos Menem (1989–1999), when specialists convened by the Ministry of Education designed the Minimum Common Content related to the Federal Education Law in 1995. In response, episcopal authorities deemed it relativist in its conception of man and reductionist in its presentation of the family and the Church as cultural products. In addition, episcopal authorities spoke with the then Minister of Education, Jorge Rodriguez, to ‘suggest’ modifying this basic content and including references to the existence of God in personal and social life. The Ministry of Education’s acquiescence to the Catholic leadership’s demands caused the resignation of the specialists who had proposed the Minimum Common Content and considered the 63 modifications that were finally introduced to be unacceptable.
- 4.
In the Buenos Aires City Council, various projects dealing with the same issue were also discussed. After several failed proposals, the sexual education law was passed on October 12, 2006.
- 5.
The activity was carried out in the framework of the provincial Reproductive Health Law (2003), which resulted in the establishment of the “Adolescence and Health” course in this high school. It was implemented after three recorded cases of premature pregnancy at this high school, which drove its principal to create other opportunities for the school’s students to receive sexual education .
- 6.
The Argentine Episcopal Conference has 20 Episcopal Commissions, with the goal of addressing the multiple dimensions of social life. As a result, the Catholic Church deploys its actions in the areas of culture, communications, penitentiaries, universities, family, and education. Each commission has a president who is responsible for broadcasting the axiological standards and program directives to the larger society. In the context of the discussion of the Law on Sexual Education, Garlatti’s presence became important because of the role he played at the forefront of the Episcopal Commission on Catholic Education.
- 7.
However, the prelate’s conjectures did not coincide with similar experiences in other countries. For example, in Holland, sexual education forms part of school curricula from the earliest levels of education, and the rate of adolescent pregnancies is less than 1 %. Here, easy access to information appears to facilitate a later initiation of sexual relations.
- 8.
The results of diverse public opinion polls from the consultancy Analogias, the National University Tres de Febrero, the Center for Studies of State and Society (CEDES, Centro de Estudios de Estado y Sociedad), and the Latin American Center Health and Women (CELSAM, Centro Latinoamericano Salud y Mujer), among others, correspond with one another in signaling the support of Argentine society for public policies on these subjects.
- 9.
In particular, inquiry into the forms and content of these links, and their continuities and ruptures with those established by political and religious leaders from the time of Christopher Columbus to the present.
- 10.
Other recent precedents also shed light on a series of difficulties in the implementation of approved laws that were resisted by “intense minorities”—that is, groups of integral activists who have networks at the intersection of public power and communications media. In 2008, 5 years after the creation of the Sexual Health and Responsible Procreation Program, 3,400,000 low-income women were without any free professional guidance to make decisions about issues linked to family planning (Clarín 2008).
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Esquivel, J.C. (2017). Religious Actors and Discourses in the Public Sphere: Controversies Around Sexual Education in Argentina. In: Vaggione, J., Morán Faúndes, J. (eds) Laicidad and Religious Diversity in Latin America. Boundaries of Religious Freedom: Regulating Religion in Diverse Societies, vol 6. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-44745-2_6
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