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The Kelsen-Hart Debate: Hart’s Critique of Kelsen’s Legal Monism Reconsidered

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Hans Kelsen in America - Selective Affinities and the Mysteries of Academic Influence

Part of the book series: Law and Philosophy Library ((LAPS,volume 116))

Abstract

Kelsen’s legal monism—the claim that it is impossible for legal science to recognize the existence of more than one legal system—is often held to be one of the least plausible aspects of Kelsen’s pure theory of law. This paper challenges the criticism of Kelsen’s monism in the work of H.L.A. Hart. In particular, it will argue that Hart failed to show that Kelsen’s monism rests on a mistaken criterion of the identity of legal system and that it is, therefore, descriptively inadequate. Kelsen’s monism is not only descriptively viable but potentially able to provide an interesting counterpoint to the prevalent legal pluralist orthodoxy in the theory of legal system.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Hart’s arguments have been developed in more detail by Joseph Raz. See Raz (1970: 95–109) and Raz (2009a: 127–129). Hart’s and Raz’s arguments against Kelsen’s theory of legal system are fairly similar. This paper, therefore, focuses on Hart’s initial development of the critique. For a discussion of Raz’s version of the critique, see Vinx (2007: 184–194).

  2. 2.

    MacCormick subsequently modified his rejection of Kelsen’s monism and argued that the European legal order might be understood as a form of “monism under international law.” See MacCormick (1999, 113–121). The view that is advocated here is close to MacCormick’s later position.

  3. 3.

    See for instance Culver and Giudice (2010, 38) who argue—though they sympathize with Kelsen’s view that international law is real law—that Hart’s criticism of Kelsen’s monism is “decisive.” This assessment is upheld in Giudice (2013, 161–164).

  4. 4.

    I have tried to explain why I do not hold Kelsen’s strong monism to be defensible in Vinx (2011).

  5. 5.

    For a comprehensive account of Kelsen’s theory of international law see von Bernstorff (2010) . A recent defense of the continuing relevance of Kelsen’s approach to the theory of international law is given in Kammerhofer (2014).

  6. 6.

    Ronald Dworkin’s mild critique of Hart’s attack on Kelsen conceded this key point to Hart. See Dworkin (1968).

  7. 7.

    Needless to say, Hart argues on the basis of his theory of the rule of recognition . See Hart (1961: 97–107).

  8. 8.

    I have tried to argue elsewhere that the distinction is crucial to Kelsen’s conception of legality. See Vinx (2007: 78–100). Kelsen’s most interesting and sustained discussion of the issue is Kelsen (1914).

  9. 9.

    On Kelsen’s ‘choice hypothesis’ see ibid., 113–122, Kelsen (1920: 102–320, 1952: 401–447), von Bernstorff (2010: 104–107) , and Langford and Bryan (2012).

  10. 10.

    For Hart’s general development of this attack on the rule of recognition see Hart (1961: 107–110).

  11. 11.

    See, for example, Kumm (2012: 42):

    If the highest court of a legal order insists on applying the law of the more encompassing legal order only under conditions defined by its legal order and the decisions of that court are generally taken as authoritative by other officials of that legal order, then the relationship between the legal orders is pluralist as a matter of fact.

    Kumm goes on to argue the relationship should not be pluralist as a matter of right. But I think he concedes the descriptive point too readily. His own cosmopolitan ambitions would be better served by taking the view that the facts he talks about here do not establish that there is no unified global legal order as a matter of fact.

  12. 12.

    See Dicey (1982: 87):

    The principle then of Parliamentary sovereignty may, looked at from its positive side, be thus described: Any Act of Parliament, or any part of an Act of Parliament, which makes a new law, or repeals or modifies an existing law, will be obeyed by the Courts. The same principle, looked at from its negative side, may be thus stated: There is no person or body of persons who can, under the English constitution, make rules which override or derogate from an Act of Parliament, or which (to express the same thing in other words) will be enforced by the Courts in contravention of an Act of Parliament.

  13. 13.

    Dickson’s argument is phrased as a critique of Schauer (1996) . See also Schauer’s reply to Dickson in Schauer (2005).

  14. 14.

    To be more precise, a normative system is a legal system, according to Kelsen, if it successfully claims a monopoly of legitimate force, ie, if the behavior of the purported subjects of the law is sufficiently in line with the principle that the use of coercive force is legitimate only in response to a prior delict or violation of the law. For instance, Kelsen claims, with respect to international law, that:

    international law is true law if the coercive acts of states […] are, in principle, permitted only as a reaction against a delict, and accordingly the employment of force to any other end is forbidden; in other words, if the coercive act undertaken as a reaction against a delict can be interpreted as a reaction of the international legal community (Kelsen 1952: 18).

    This condition could be fulfilled, Kelsen holds, in the absence of centralized adjudication and enforcement of a system’s norms, because injured parties (or their allies) could apply sanctions for delicts committed against them by way of (legally authorized) self-help.

  15. 15.

    Kelsen’s line of argument here is strictly analogous to his argument for the introduction of constitutional adjudication in a domestic context. See Kelsen (1929).

  16. 16.

    On the importance of the idea of peace for Kelsen’s theory of legal system see Notermans (2015).

  17. 17.

    See for instance Neil Walker (2012: 18–19) who describes monism as “a tendency towards a new manifestation of closure and a new reduction to unity; towards the old familiar of everything deemed constitutional being contained—‘constituted’ indeed—within the one hierarchically layered legal and political system.” Such talk assumes, without offering much in the way of argument, that legal unity must be tied to the kind of political unity we associate with the modern state. It also assumes that all forms of unity and closure are equally bad. Kelsen’s willingness to challenge such assumptions strikes me as more progressive and more intellectually enterprising than contemporary legal or constitutional pluralism.

  18. 18.

    We are perhaps too afraid of this at any rate. See Scheuerman (2011: 149–168).

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Acknowledgments

This paper was first presented at a seminar on Kelsen’s international theory organized by Robert Jan Witpaard at Radboud University in Nijmegen. It was presented again at the 2013 Christmas meeting of the Norwegian Association for Legal Philosophy, at the invitation of Jørgen Stubberud, and then at the workshop in Chicago organized by Jeremy Telman. I am very grateful to Jeremy, Robert Jan, and Jørgen for giving me the opportunity to participate in these events. I received a wealth of feedback on all three occasions: Svein Eng’s meticulous comments at Oslo were extremely helpful. I am also indebted to Jochen von Bernstorff, Joseph Fleuren, Michael Steven Green, Jörg Kammerhofer, Christoph Kletzer, Thomas Mertens, Thomas Olechowski, Scott Shapiro, Jørg Stubberud and Jeremy Telman for their valuable questions and suggestions.

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Vinx, L. (2016). The Kelsen-Hart Debate: Hart’s Critique of Kelsen’s Legal Monism Reconsidered. In: Telman, D. (eds) Hans Kelsen in America - Selective Affinities and the Mysteries of Academic Influence. Law and Philosophy Library, vol 116. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-33130-0_4

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