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In our journey we have circumnavigated the globe and our eyes have been opened to the wide-ranging contribution social identity theory has already made to our understanding of peace and conflict. In doing so, we have become aware that the impact of the theory goes far beyond race and ethnic relations and addresses some of the biggest challenges facing today’s world; health, inequalities, social change, and sustainability. One clear outcome of this journey is the discovery that it does not matter where you are in the world or how far along the road to peace you are, social identities are integral to our lives. As such, we believe that our journey does not end with this conclusion; rather we hope that it sets the course for the next voyage in which social identity research is brought to the fore.

In this conclusion, we aim to consolidate and grapple with the challenge of how we, as peace psychologists, researchers, educators, practitioners, and policy makers, can permeate an understanding of social identity into the mainstream. First, we bring together the themes that we believe summarise the contribution of our book to understanding social identity, peace, and conflict. Second, we consider the importance of the historical and socio-political context in providing a coherent understanding of social identity’s role in promoting positive peace. Third, we discuss the theoretical implications of these themes and goals. Fourth and finally, we situate this in relation to the Global Goals of addressing climate change, ending poverty and repairing social inequalities and injustice.

Overarching Themes

Upon reading the expert contributions to our book, a series of themes became apparent that warrant further careful consideration. Below we discuss these in more detail, relating them back to chapters in the book and to our thoughts on how we should and could make these themes central in our future research endeavours.

Psychological and Physical Health

The first theme to be discussed is social identity theory’s contribution to psychological and physical health. Not only does social identity relate to and influence the need for individual and collective self-esteem (see Martiny & Rubin, Chap. 2), but there is evidence supporting the view that social identities can influence both individual and group well-being (see Muldoon, Lowe, & Schmid, Chap. 9). Whilst it is not surprising that political violence and inequality create negative health consequences, what is innovative is the application of social identity theory to understand how identity can be used to counteract these negative experiences (see Wessells, Chap. 7). The influence of social identity on health is also discussed in relation to research in various contexts. For example, Northern Ireland (see Ferguson & McKeown, Chap. 14), where the legacy of the conflict has been found to have both bolstering and buffering effects influenced by social identity processes. These positive associations with identity and health are also evidenced in research conducted in Mexico and Chile (see Eller, Cakal, & Sirlopu, Chap. 19). Eller et al. provide evidence that intergroup contact experiences can transcend prejudice reduction and impact the physical and psychological health of indigenous people.

Moving forward, there is potential for more work on social identity, well-being, and health behaviours. It is especially important to further examine how identity can be used to buffer negative conflict experiences and the lingering psychological legacy of recent and not so recent conflicts. Moreover, there is a necessity for investigation on how interventions aimed at promoting peace, such as those based upon intergroup contact theory, can be used in initiatives that move beyond prejudice reduction outcomes . In particular, what is needed is a greater understanding of the role of identity in the interpretation of threat associated with political conflict and its role in the transformation of conflict. This would help to guide interventions or policy aimed at protecting groups and individuals harmed through conflict or where threatened identities are creating obstacles to conflict transformation.

Multiculturalism and Multiple Identities

As globalisation results in an increasingly interconnected world, and greater mobility and migration lead to an increasing prevalence of dual and multiple identities; the question “where are you from?” will get more and more difficult to answer for more and more of the world’s people. As such, understanding how and when certain identities matter in society is of vital importance to researchers and policy makers alike.

This brings us to another theme in the book, which is that of the emergence and impact of multiple and changing identities. This is particularly important as dichotomous identities are no longer a true representation of society. Indeed, the complexity of identity is represented in many of our contextual chapters. For example, on their discussion of identity formation in Uganda, Lapwoch and Amone-P’Olak (Chap. 12) address the intertwined and complicated nature of ethnic and political identities pre- and post-colonialism. In their chapter on the United Arab Emirates, Maitner and Stewart-Ingersoll (Chap. 20) not only consider national identities, but also the importance of higher order identities such as identification with the Gulf nations. Likewise, Eller, Cakal, and Sirlopu (Chap. 19) explore subordinate and superordinate identities in Mexico and Chile; Psaltis and Cakal (Chap. 15) relate this to social identity in Cyprus. In a similar vein, Lalonde, Cila, and Yampolsky (Chap. 17) examine implications of multiculturalism in terms of identity-related concerns among older and newer Canadians , bicultural identity conflict, and the ascription of the immigrant identity. Moving beyond ethnic and racial divisions, González, Gerber, and Carvacho (Chap. 18) address broader social identities in Chile including gender and social class. In doing so, they bring together a comprehensive understanding of identity that moves beyond the traditionally studied ethnic divisions.

The impacts of multiculturalism and associated dynamics are addressed in our book in-depth by Stathi and Roscini (Chap. 4). The authors discuss how we can best work towards integration, acknowledging that top level announcements of multiculturalism are simply not enough to promote cohesion. They also relate this to the development of a common in-group identity, which is further discussed by Ferguson and McKeown in relation to Northern Ireland (Chap. 14), Marie Moss in her discussion of the Rwandan identity (Chap. 13), Maloku, Derks, Van Laar, and Ellemers (Chap. 16) in their work on the Kosovar identity, and by Montiel, Macapagal, and Canuday (Chap. 21) in their research on superordinate identity in the Philippines. In these chapters, the authors outline the complexities and challenges involved in the development of superordinate or common identities, which will offer possible strategies to improve intergroup relations in other contexts.

Looking to the future of social identity research, we must be mindful of these changing social and political landscapes if we are to truly understand the impact of identity on peace. In particular, we should pay more attention to how individuals negotiate and work with multiple identities including social class, gender, religion, race, ethnicity, nationality, and higher-order identities . This requires a comprehensive approach to identity, acknowledging the complexity and shift in importance of these different identities. In doing so, we will be able to better determine the best approaches for promoting inclusion and cohesion for all members of society; achieving this is our challenge and will require a toolbox of varied methodological approaches that can be drawn upon according to the context.

Addressing Inequalities

A theme related to multiculturalism, but deserving its own discussion, is that of addressing inequalities and promoting social change. This is evidenced throughout the book in discussions surrounding identity and majority/minority perspectives, democracy, leadership, and collective action. It also resonates with the changes required to address structural inequalities and achieve positive peace, as seen in many of our contextual chapters. For example, in their discussion of identity in Canada, Lalonde et al (Chap. 17) relate to three different identity relations between (1) aboriginals and non-aboriginals, (2) French and English Canadians, and (3) older and newer Canadians. In doing so, the authors recognise the importance of considering historical context and associated factors which have contributed to disadvantage. Similarly, minority and majority relations are discussed in this volume in relation to disadvantaged experiences among indigenous people in Mexico, Chile, and Australia. But perhaps the idea of oppressed identities is articulated most dominantly in Meyer, Durrheim, and Foster’s (Chap. 11) work on identity in South Africa. In this chapter, the authors not only discuss the nature of marginalisation, but note how such oppression of identity can promote social change. In addition, Maitner and Stewart-Ingersoll describe differential privileges accorded to groups belonging to the national identity hierarchy in the UAE, in which the Emirati identity represents a privileged minority.

We believe that social change is the key mechanism required to address structural inequalities and one way to help achieve social change is through the mobilisation of groups to engage in collective action processes. Determining how and when this works best requires a nuanced understanding of collective behaviour. La Macchia and Louis (Chap. 6) go some way to addressing this through their discussion of crowd behaviour and its relationship to social identity and the promotion of social change. In particular, they call for expanded and integrated models of collective behaviour. This is vital if we are to develop a comprehensive approach to collective action in which the contradictory effects of promoting cohesion, through contact, and the desire to engage in social change are to converge and make positive impacts on building peace and transforming conflict and injustice.

Once we promote and engage in these social change processes, we must work towards understanding and ending tyranny. This process is related in our book by Reicher, Haslam, Platow, and Steffens (Chap. 5), who espouse a social identity perspective to tyranny and leadership. In doing so, they highlight the importance of understanding how and why people obey tyrannical leaders, and the need for strong leadership if tyranny is to be consigned to history.

What is clear is that social identity theory has a lot to offer to our understanding of how to address inequalities. What is unclear, however, is how we can bring the theory into the mainstream and involve more peace psychologists in the policy discussions surrounding these issues. Doing this will require a concerted effort to go beyond traditional outlets, such as, journal articles and academic conferences. When we publish our work, we need to think more closely about the societal impact of findings and how we can engage with practitioners and policy makers in bringing positive changes. While psychologists have undoubtedly played a role in our understanding of conflict and violence (see Christie, Wagner, & Winter, 2001 for a review), at times this has been to the detriment of human and societal welfare ; we only have to think about the recent APA torture scandal. At the same time, however, we must note that psychologists have been instrumental in key social change processes, such as desegregation of schools in Brown vs. Board of Education, the implementation of peace education across the globe, and the implementation and evaluation of Truth and Reconciliation Commissions, to name only a few important achievements. In addition, there are a number of organisations, such as the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues, the Society for the Study of Peace, Conflict and Violence, Psychologists for Social Responsibility, and the Committee for the Psychological Study of Peace, who have tasked themselves with using psychological understanding to promote peace and justice through working with policy makers and practitioners. We challenge you, our readers, to be leaders in this regard.

We also ascribe to the belief that prevention is better than cure. As such, we should be preparing to use social identity practices to promote peace before violence occurs, thereby preventing the shift from conflict to violence. Support for this comes from Wessells (Chap. 7), who argues that we need to put our efforts into preventing children being recruited as child soldiers , in addition to developing our understanding of how to re-integrate these children once they return to their community.

Historical and Socio-Political Context

Our journey has also confirmed our belief that a deep understanding of the historical and socio-political context in which we are working is essential if we are to promote peace. This is important because as psychologists, we often drive to develop and test theory in highly controlled laboratory settings, which has of course added much to our understanding of social identity. In doing so, however, we sometimes fail to fully consider the importance of context including the culture in which the research was conducted. In this book, we included worldwide perspectives in order to highlight the need to embed our understanding of peace and conflict in the historical and socio-political processes salient in a given society and to advocate for contextually grounded interventions and prevention strategies which demonstrate the strength of social identity theory to be applied across contexts.

Indeed, the need for understanding history and associated narratives is evident throughout our contextual chapters. Law and Mackenzie (Chap. 22) present the different interpretations of history in Australia and the impact this has on identity and Australia Day celebrations. Through this, the authors are able to articulate how the past and interpretations of the past influence contemporary identity in Australia. Similarly, Psaltis and Cakal (Chap. 15) discuss the importance of history and narratives in forming and maintaining oppositional identities in Cyprus. They consider the influence of history textbooks, which they argue often provide a one-sided perspective on the conflict, and the nature of master narratives that influence identity and intergroup relations in today’s Cyprus. González et al. (Chap. 19) also place great emphasis on historical and political processes in Chile. The authors address how history has contributed to disadvantage for certain groups in contemporary Chile and argue that a consideration of historical and political processes is required before peace and justice can be achieved. We are sympathetic with this argument and believe that the future of social identity theory lies not only with policy implications and theoretical development, but also with contextually grounded interventions.

Another factor inherent to context that is observed in many of chapters is the use of symbolic markers of identity, which can be used as a source of conflict or a source of peace. In particular, Phillips DeZalia and Moeschberger (Chap. 8) point to the fact that symbols are often used to tell historical and cultural narratives and can represent and show identity as an entity. They also argue that a closer consideration of the symbols of identity will facilitate an understanding of how these are embedded across multiple identities. As such, history, narrative, and socio-political context lie central to understanding and situating social identity in policy and practice.

Theoretical Implications

In the first section of our book, we traced the history and development of social identity theory starting with the work of Henri Tajfel at the University of Bristol. Doing this has allowed us to observe and admire how far the theory has come and the sheer volume of research and interventions it has inspired. It has also highlighted some of the newest perspectives on the original theory, which appear to be bounded in motivations to engage in positive and negative identities, such as the importance of entitativity (see Hogg, Chap. 1), identity uncertainty (see Lüders, Jonas, Fritsche, & Agroskin, Chap. 3), and a reformulation of the self-esteem hypothesis (see Martiny & Rubin, Chap. 2).

Each of these has implications for social identity theory’s contribution to peace and conflict. For example, Hogg argues that promoting the status and entitativity of social identities can have antisocial consequences. Indeed, seeing identity as an entity is also related to the use and meaning of symbolic markers of identity (see Phillips DeZalia & Moeschberger, Chap. 8). Hogg argues that this has particular consequences for self-concept which is an important part of understanding identity motivation. Reframing the relationship between social identity and self-esteem, Martiny and Rubin ask important questions such as what motivates people at both individual and collective levels to seek out identities to boost self-esteem. Building upon this, Lüders et al. address some these questions and argue the importance of understanding threat and the role it plays in personal and collective motivations for self-esteem. Together, these advances suggest that we need to examine further the antecedents of social identity formation and salience , moving away from understanding the consequences that have already been heavily researched.

Final Thoughts

We would like to end by reflecting on how our overarching themes apply to the global context. In doing so, we come to realise that the themes observed in our book are closely aligned with the Global Goals, 17 goals committed to by world leaders designed to (1) end extreme poverty, (2) fight inequality and injustice, and (3) fix climate change (see www.globalgoals.org). Indeed, social identity theory allows us to understand disadvantage and equips us with the necessary framework to design programmes and interventions that aim to fight poverty, improve well-being, address inequalities, and bring about social change to produce strong and sustainable institutions and societies. We have already discussed the importance of health, inequalities, and social change, but the Global Goals also bring sustainability to the fore, something that social identity theorists are beginning to tackle. This is vital because according to Ferguson, McDonald, and Branscombe (Chap. 10), intergroup conflict over natural resources is likely to become more normalised due to resource depletion. In their chapter, Ferguson et al. offer a social identity perspective to climate change, arguing that climate change represents one of the biggest threats to peace in the modern world. This is understood in terms of the depletion and need for natural resources and the accompanied direct and structural violence associated with such resources. What becomes apparent from Ferguson et al. is that, as peace psychologists, we need to be prepared to undertake the challenge of creating and facilitating a sustainable peace that mitigates potential new forms of intergroup conflict arising from our ever-changing world.

To that end, we hope you have enjoyed this journey but now it’s on to the next voyage; it’s over to you to continue this journey, to take the challenges we have presented and take social identity theory into the world.