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Juvenile Justice and Human Rights: European Perspectives

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Women and Children as Victims and Offenders: Background, Prevention, Reintegration

Abstract

International human rights standards and in particular the Convention of the Rights of the Child (CRC) have had a major impact on juvenile justice reforms in Europe during the last 25 years. The general orientation towards the ideal of education has been further developed in Europe. The development of human rights standards has played a major role in this context. The United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Administration of Juvenile Justice (“The Beijing Rules”) of 1985 and the more binding CRC of 1989 have been mark-stones in the juvenile justice human rights movement. In Europe, the Council of Europe’s Recommendations of 2003 and 2008 have kept the general orientation towards diversion, minimum intervention, education, restorative justice and other constructive measures, even for more serious young offenders. After a period of strengthening the punitive approach in some European countries such as England/Wales (UK) and France (as in the US), a revitalization of the traditional perspectives of education and rehabilitation of offenders can be observed. Most European countries have experienced a reduction in juvenile delinquency as well as in youth imprisonment rates. Juvenile crime policy furthermore tends to expand the scope of juvenile justice to the age group of young adults (18–21 year olds) and even beyond as the new Dutch Juvenile Justice Act of 2014 demonstrates (up to 23 years). Furthermore the children’s rights movement has increasingly led to a full integration of legal guarantees in juvenile justice proceedings in order to prevent disadvantages for minor offenders.

The present chapter is an extended and updated version of the chapter in the 2013 edited book on European Penology (see Dünkel 2013), and inspired by the discussion on “new punitiveness” (Pratt et al. 2005) and so-called neo-liberal orientations which can be observed in some European and in particular Anglo-Saxon jurisdictions (see amongst others Tonry 2004) in contrary to Scandinavian countries that are characterized under the label of “penal exceptionalism”, see Pratt 2008a, b and Lappi-Seppälä 2007. The present chapter will show that not only Scandinavian countries, but a lot of others, and in particular juvenile justice systems succeeded in ‘resisting punitiveness in Europe’(Snacken and Dumortier 2012). A further extension of earlier papers are the reflections on human rights standards as pointed out under Sect. 2, see for this Dünkel 2009.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    A note on terminology: I have used the terms, youth and youth justice as well as juvenile justice in this contribution in the same sense. The term juvenile justice is in use in a number of international, European and national instruments, where it usually refers to persons under the age of 18 years. However, the Convention on the Rights of the Child uses the term, “child” to refer to anyone under the age of 18 years. I have not followed this usage of ‘child’, as it is not always appropriate in this context. Finally, I use the term, young adults, to refer to persons at the age of 18 until 21 who are treated as youths or juveniles as it is proposed by the European Rules for Juvenile Offenders Subject to Sanctions or Measures (Rec. (2008) 11), see Rule Nr. 17.

  2. 2.

    The meaning of the term “neo-liberal”, which derives from the concept of Garland’s ‘culture of control’ contains different concepts and aspects that cannot be simply characterized by more repressive sanctions or sentencing: see Crawford and Lewis 2007: 30 ff. These include the criminalization of anti-social behaviour (ASBO’s), increased use of youth custody, managerialism and the reduction of risk by social exclusion rather than by integrating vulnerable offender groups through specific programmes.

  3. 3.

    The comparison is based largely on a survey of 34 countries conducted by the Criminology Department at the University of Greifswald: Dünkel et al. 2011. The project was funded by the European Union (AGIS-programme) and by the Ministry of Education of the Federal State of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania in Germany.

  4. 4.

    See also Snacken 2010 and the contributions in Snacken and Dumortier 2012.

  5. 5.

    See critically, Crawford and Lewis 2007, p. 27, and Cavadino and Dignan 2006, p. 68 ff. with regards to the “managerial” and the “getting tough” approach.

  6. 6.

    See, for example, the so-called parenting order in England and Wales or similar measures in Belgium, Bulgaria, France, Greece, Ireland or Scotland: Pruin 2011, p. 1559ff.

  7. 7.

    Punitive sanctions for parents, such as fines or prison sentences, are counterproductive, as parents are often unable to afford to pay fines, and incarceration takes them away from their children.

  8. 8.

    Roughly 8 % of all sanctions imposed on juveniles, see Dünkel in Dünkel et al. 2011: 587; for Austria see Bruckmüller 2006. In summary for 36 European countries, see Dünkel et al. 2015a, b.

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    Frieder Dünkel

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  2. Faculty of Law, University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria

    Sławomir Redo

  3. Zürich, Switzerland

    Evelyn Shea

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Dünkel, F. (2016). Juvenile Justice and Human Rights: European Perspectives. In: Kury, H., Redo, S., Shea, E. (eds) Women and Children as Victims and Offenders: Background, Prevention, Reintegration. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-28424-8_27

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