’Ndrangheta: A Reticular Organization

Abstract

The dangerousness of the Calabrian Mafia, the ’Ndrangheta, has long been underestimated. Consequently, there has been lack of attention in developing strategies, conducting research, and analyzing its actions. Until recently the Calabrian Mafia had been perceived as a minor criminal organization, as an expression of a residual outdated society; hence, a modern analysis was not conducted, it has been considered more “primitive” compared to the Sicilian and Neapolitan Mafia. This primitiveness is in direct opposition to the success that ’Ndrangheta has shown in the last decades, in particular with its capacity of territorial expansion along with its integration into transnational illegal activities. In recent times, ’Ndrangheta has been recognized as one of the most powerful criminal organization, thanks to several judicial inquiries not only in Calabria, but also in the central and northern regions of Italy. These inquiries illustrate an articulated presence in the territory, a unique organizational structure, and strong connections with the legal, economic, political, and government institutions.

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A Long Underestimation

The development of the Calabrian Mafia was followed by the historical underestimation of its dangerousness, that had consequences in terms of lack of attention both in terms of law enforcement strategies and research and analysis strategies.¹ Until recently the ’Ndrangheta was considered a minor criminal organization , residual expression of an underdeveloped society, thus more “primitive” compared to the Sicilian and Neapolitan Mafias (Cosa Nostra and Camorra) . This vision was extensively diffused in the public discussion for a long time shared by politicians, scholars, and judges.²

A different reading approach was proposed in a report approved in the 2008 by the Anti-Mafia Parliament Commission , in which the ’Ndrangheta was defined “liquid Mafia.” It is a striking metaphor that was borrowed from a successful work of sociologist Zygmunt Bauman that actually spoke about “liquidity” to try “to grasp the nature of the present, in many ways novel, phrase in the history of modernity” (Bauman 2002, p. 2) . In my opinion, the metaphor risks of being misleading if it is applied to the ’Ndrangheta or, more generally, to the Mafia. As well as inadequate are other analogies used in the report of the Anti-Mafia Parliament Commission when the Calabrian Mafia is compared to the “big fast food chains” and to the “tentacular structure” of Al Qaida, but also to the vitality of the “neoplasm” (Commissione Parlamentare Antimafia (CPA) 2008, p. 23) . In this way, a true association of different phenomena very different among themselves for organizational structure, modality of action, and operation, is made.

An interpretation of this nature can lead to distorted information also in terms of policy and contrast strategies. If the peculiar character of the ’Ndrangheta was liquidity, it would follow that countering and would require being equipped with special tools, or with “containers” that can “contain” it. The “modern liquidity ” that Bauman talks about is characterized by “transience,” “friability,” “brittleness,” and “until-further-noticeness” of human bond and networks (Bauman 2002). All these characteristics are hardly associable with the actual Mafia organizations, not only the Calabrian one. If we take into consideration Bauman’s analysis, the presence of a phenomenon as that of the Mafia, it would even be in contradiction on how to explain “liquid modernity.” Compared to the latter, as the author observed: “Any dense and tight network of social bond, and particularly a territorial rooted tight network, is an obstacle to be cleared out of the way” (Bauman 2002, p. 14) . Mafia networks have precisely these characteristics: They are built by dense social bonds and have always been profoundly settled in the territory. In particular, the ’Ndrangheta—as we will see—is a “solid” reality, constituted by consistent and resistant “material,” namely by a stable structure and powerfully close even though geometrically variant.

The prospective adopted in the report of 2008 of the Anti-Mafia Parliament Commission , thus, appears paradoxical that, looking to surpass the reading of the ’Ndrangheta as an archaic phenomenon, proposes an interpretation in terms of a postmodern phenomenon, exactly like “liquid Mafia,” able to infiltrate everywhere and to “coexist with unexpected efficiency a tribal dimension with an attitude modern and global” (Commissione Parlamentare Antimafia (CPA) 2008, p. 23, my italics) .

Actually, just like the other types of Mafia, even the Calabrian one can be considered the product of a process of hybridization between modern and traditional elements, which have fostered its great capacity of adaptation and social variations. The supposed “primordial” ’Ndrangheta is difficult to reconcile with its success of the last decades, in particular with the capacity of territorial expansion and entrenchment, besides the integration into vast transnational illegal traffics.³

Recently, it was recognized as one of the most powerful criminal organizations . Today, it is repeated with persistence that the ’Ndrangheta has become the most dangerous Italian criminal organization , omitting the fact that for a very long time, its force was underestimated and that the contrast action against it was always insufficient. Its dangerousness also derives from this historical lack of attention, above all political and institutional.

In this article, I will focus my attention, in a selective way, on the organizational dimension of the ’Ndrangheta ⁴ considering in particular the hierarchic structure and reticular configuration, aspects that are often neglected or superficially analyzed in current studies of the phenomenon.

Family and Blood Connections

The cosca or ’ndrina is the basic unit of the organizational structure of the ’Ndrangheta and corresponds to a Mafia family that takes the name of the boss. Within the cosca , a strict hierarchy is in force, established according to the reputation and criminal capacity of the single members. A normative and symbolic apparatus that regulate the entrance and the behavior of affiliates: Charters, formula of identification, codes , and initiation rites set a limit between those who belong to the organization and those who do not. The affiliation—defined by the same Mafiosi “baptism” (Ciconte 1992, p. 30) —offers the possibility to enter to an elective world and to have a disposal a formidable channel of social rise.

Speaking of the ’Ndrangheta , the thesis of “amoral familism” (Banfield 1958), endorsing for example that Mafia groups would have created a real “close family model” (Prefettura di Reggio Calabria 2006, p. 4) that will be diffused in Calabrian society . There is no document or publication regarding the ’Ndrangheta that does not reiterate this aspect, assuming, however, as an obvious and self-evident. It is an aspect that is rarely contextualized from an empirical and analytic level: On one hand, it is not understood according to which elements Calabria should be more family-oriented than the other Southern regions; on the other hand, the social mechanisms that put in relations family connection with action and organizational models are not pinpointed. Thus, it is appropriate to pause on this argument, observing it from a wider perspective that takes into consideration the organizational and relational configuration of the Calabrian Mafia .

Undoubtedly, blood connections are very important: A cosca created from a family nucleus is developed, then, through arranged marriages that connect and absorb others.⁵ This characteristic is not, however, found only in criminal organizations. For example, also the cohesion of the banking community of the City in London was based on high confidence and loyalty levels, guaranteed by the tendency to maintain in the family businesses, assuming relatives and marrying other bankers’ families (Coleman 1990, p. 110).

In our case, it is important to underline that starting from the family network of the cosche , Calabrian Mafiosi forge relationships in every social milieu, looking for references especially in the politico-institutional arena. In this way, around the central nucleus of cosca , an extensive and pervasive network of collusion and complicity is structured that allows the accumulation and reproduction of social capital, namely the ensemble of relational resources that represent one of the most important strengths of this criminal organization .⁶

The solidity and cohesion of the Calabrian groups do not only depend on family connections. The significance of these last ones are often attributed to the hypothetical archaic and tribal character of the ’Ndrangheta , while it would probably be read as an effect of the modernization process that created profound transformations in its original structure.⁷ The presence of family connections does not impede, furthermore, the explosion of violent conflicts: Often the cosche , even those extremely cemented by blood ties , “broke” more for internal disagreement than to conflicts with other criminal groups.⁸

In the same way, nonetheless, a largely diffused opinion, pervading family ties are not the only variable to call into question to explain the limited number of collaborator of justice coming from the Calabrian Mafia . Even in this case, the analysis would be complicated: Instead of re-proposing the same images of the supposed impenetrability of the Calabrian Mafia,⁹ it is necessary to understand which are the mechanisms and the circumstances that might have favored or not the possibility of collaborating with law enforcement.¹⁰ Definitely, family ties are certainly relevant, but it is also necessary to take into account the organizational structure and the relational system that configure relations within the cosca as well as between them.

To pursue the matter it could be useful to make a comparison between the Sicilian and Calabrian Mafia .¹¹ First of all, we must observe that, in both organizations, the Mafia “families” are distinguished from the biological families of their members. In Cosa Nostra , the Mafia family corresponds in a modest amount to the blood family . This, however, does not mean that blood ties are not important; indeed the parental tie between honored men “is certainly one of the most important elements of the organization” (Dino 2002, p. 73) .

As in the ’Ndrangheta , in Cosa Nostra, blood ties , likewise, have weight in determining the power position, so that in some Mafia families, the power positions are transmitted from father to son in virtue of a sort of hereditary charisma (Paoli 2002, p. 45). This explains, moreover, how it is possible to find over time the same organogram of Mafia groups in power in areas of traditional settlement (Lupo 2009; Coco 2013). However, it is interesting to observe how Sicilian Mafiosi have tried to institute a rule to limit the relevance of blood ties , in order to make Mafia power less familiar and personalized.

During mid 1970s, the institution of the Commissione , namely the top legal entity of the Sicilian Cosa Nostra ,¹² in fact also had as an objective to avoid that the power would convey in an excessive manner in blood families. As it is well-known, an association can be formalized precisely to reduce the impact of family relationships when they are no longer a limit and a resource for its operation. This seems to be the case for the Cosa Nostra, as demonstrated by the attempt to give the organization a higher level of formality and to develop a regulatory system partially released from the importance of family relationships.

On the other side, in the Calabrian Mafia , it does not seem that blood ties were a commitment for the amplification of the organization, and neither can it be said that their importance is inversely proportional to the introduction of ritual and formal elements.

Inside the ’Ndrangheta , a distinction also exists, at least on a normative level, between the blood and the Mafia family . The organization of an ’Ndrangheta group is not completely overlaid to the structure of the biological family of their counterparts (Paoli 2000, p. 49). As collaborator of justice, Zagari has stated, the affiliation of a new member could be neither promoted nor completed by people connected to the initiated by parental ties (1992, p 36). This rule is not, however, enough to limit the relevance of blood ties , so that, from birth, the sons of Mafia bosses are considered by right giovani d’onore (honored youth). As declared by another collaborator of justice : “One can become an ’ndranghetista for family heritance” (Tribunale di Reggio Calabria 1995, p. 233).

Summarizing, even if in both criminal organizations , the equivalence between the blood and Mafia families cannot be deceptive, the fact remains that in the ’Ndrangheta , the command positions are determined in large measure by family relations and often the power tends to be transmitted though heredity, not necessarily from father to son, but to family members that have demonstrated the capacity to inherit.

The pervading of family ties constitute, thus, a controlling cohesive power for the cosche of the ’Ndrangheta. However, it would be reductive to think that the force of the latter is summarized in this element. Blood ties create only one aspect of its complex configuration. The organizational system is anything but close and bent on itself: Rather, it shows an adaptability grade, so that it was imitated by other criminal groups,¹³ and is characterized by the presence of a wide range of external relations, in particular with exponents of the bureaucratic-institutional apparatus and the entrepreneurial world.¹⁴

The Organizational Configuration

Attention will be focused on the organizational dimension. In general, we will talk about a horizontal character of the ’Ndrangheta , counterpointing it to the vertical organization of Cosa Nostra . Analyzing the problem from a dichotomy point of view is deceiving. The question does not only involve the ’Ndrangheta, but all Mafia organizations characterized by a peculiar combination of closure toward the internal and maximum opening toward the external. Closure guarantees internal cohesion, making the group less exposed to enemies’ pressure and contrastive actions. The opening, on the contrary, is important because it makes extremely flexible and adaptable criminal groups toward the external, allowing the reproduction of their social networks, as well as facilitating extensions and diversification of their fields of activity. We are not dealing with a faction folded back on themselves, nor structures assimilated to the classical bureaucracy model; but a reticular organizational asset that tries to conciliate—in various forms—internal closure and external opening. Historically, all Mafia groups were crossed by opposite trends between centralization and autonomy together with dispersion. In this perspective, we can read some specific dynamics that affect the ’Ndrangheta .

Since relatively recent times, we did not have any information regarding the existence within the ’Ndrangheta of a superordinate body to the various cosche , even if in the past, temporary alliances emerged to manage common business matters. In reality, the presence of forms of territorial coordination seems to be a long-lasting characteristic of the ’Ndrangheta (Nicaso 1990; Mannino 1997; Gratteri and Nicaso 2006).¹⁵ Only in the last years, however, important judiciary investigations, held not only in Calabria, but also in other northern regions (in particular Lombardy , Piedmont and Liguria) ,¹⁶ have shed light on how the main cosche of the ’Ndrangheta —especially those that refer to the province of Reggio Calabria —are connected through a governing and regulating entity for internal conflicts, superior to all individual families.

Also in this situation, one must analyze the structure of the ’Ndrangheta , regarding comparison with some aspect of organizational model of Cosa Nostra . The vertical and hierarchic dimension of the latter is functional to guarantee a greater cohesion from an inter-organizational point of view: It is manifested in particular in the regulation of relationships between different Mafiosi groups. Within a single family , the organizational structure might appear simpler compared to those found in higher levels: There is a command top, but the power positions formalized in specific roles are relatively few.¹⁷ Individual Sicilian families, thus, do not represent an elevated internal difference; in some cases, an honored man might benefit from a more prestigious status compared to the formal role covered, in virtue of his capacities demonstrated in the field, as for example the ability to exercise violence or to do business. By contrast, in Cosa Nostra, a more complex inter-organizational structure might be observed with a different hierarchy position to coordinate and control the organization on the whole.¹⁸ Control positions within the family settled in a given area are, therefore, directed at ensuring the functioning of the supra-territorial hierarchical level, with coordination and control entities with which they try to give a unified strategic direction to all groups recognized in Cosa Nostra .

Very different is the organization of the ’Ndrangheta where it is revealed a horizontal structure from an inter-organizational point of view,¹⁹ from which basically all cosche are at the same level (even if, in fact, some are more powerful than others due to the size of their military, economic, and political capacities and resources).

In the ’Ndrangheta is highlighted, however, at the level of a single cosca , a more accentuated internal stratification, a more defined and articulated hierarchy. The career of an honored man has different possibilities to achieve diverse ranks that correspond to specific positions in the hierarchy and internal scale of the cosca. The rank fulfilled by an individual is formally recognized by all affiliates of the different groups of the ’Ndrangheta, but actually the exercise of power and the influence associated with a determined role find full legitimation only inside the belonging cosca . In other words, only the bosses of the cosche are able to exercise superior power, whereas the other command roles are important within the group and sign the progression of the career of the affiliates. This organizational structure—more vertical on the inside and more horizontal on the outside—guarantees in the ’Ndrangheta a more intra-organizational cohesion that is reinforced by a rigid compartment between affiliates that fulfill different ranks.²⁰

The Structure of the Locale

When a group of the ’Ndrangheta extends itself beyond the intimate family unit or when on the same territory there are more cosche , affiliates tend to coordinate themselves by adopting a specific structure known as a locale in the jargon of the honored men. To a locale—that takes the name of the municipality or the area where it refers—a limited number of affiliates should formally belong,²¹ but actually the composition can vary and might change according to the situation. This results in the locale being fundamentally “authorized” and recognized by other already existing locali, among which a primary symbolic role is coved by San Luca , also called the “mother” of the ’Ndrangheta .²²

The organization of a locale expects an articulated structure and with inter-independence among the ranks and command positions. On one side, there are ranks or endowments that establish the hierarchy between affiliates; on the other, the ranks are fulfilled within each structure.²³ Even with some variations throughout time or with a difference from one case to the other,²⁴ the internal stratification has the following ranks: Giovane d’onore (honored youth), picciotto (young boy), camorrista , sgarrista , santista , vangelo (gospel), quartino , trequartino , quintino or padrino (godfather), and associazione (association) or società (society).²⁵ On the contrary, regarding the highest ranks, there are capobastone or capo locale (local boss) and eventually capo società (boss of the society), following the roles of contabile (account), crimine (crime), and mastro di giornata (master of the day).

The organizational structure is articulated in two levels: One inferior called società minore , and the other one superior named società maggiore . Young men belonging to the subgroup of società minore to whose top it is possible to find the roles of capo giovane (young boss), picciotto di giornata (daily young boy), and puntaiolo. In the società maggiore , on the contrary, it is possible to find a rank superior to sgarrista or camorrista di sgarro. In the course of time, the internal organization of the società maggiore have introduced new ranks: Thus, to the top positions were added already cited ranks of santista , vangelo (gospel), quartino , trequartino , quintino or padrino , and associazione or società . This last one “is a special rank reserved to superior bosses” (Tribunale di Reggio Calabria 1995, p. 372). These new ranks are, in fact, given to those who have access to the top structure created in the 1970s and called Santa . It is an organizational level that is hidden to inferior level affiliates and to which, originally, only important boss can access. At the beginning, the ranks of santista could be given to only 33 people, but later, there was a certain oversaturation in the attribution of this title and, therefore, it was deemed appropriate to establish new higher-level ranks. This decision was dictated by the need, on one hand, to facilitate the relationships between the most powerful bosses in the management of the business, and on the other hand, especially, to foster relations with external parties. Just to increase this type of relationship, the santisti were given the opportunity to join the deviated freemasonry (Sergi 1991; Ciconte 1996; Mannino 1997; Guarino 2004). The latter was in fact for the ’Ndrangheta , more than for other Mafia organizations, the place of meeting and connecting with members of the institutions, politics, the bureaucratic apparatus, the business world, and freelance professionals (Commissione Parlamentare Antimafia (CPA) 2000, 2008). ²⁶

Collaborator of justice Giuseppe Albanese has declared that:

A santista , in order to save the organization, could even betray one hundred camorristi or sgarristi. There were even examples of this revolutionary principle and even became customary tip-offs to the police with real denunciations by santisti (Tribunale di Reggio Calabria 1995, p. 6602).

The creation of the Santa testifies, among other things, how within the ’Ndrangheta there is periodically a proliferation of ranks and hierarchy levels. This strategy, besides answering the need to affiliate new members, is able to guarantee another important need: Reinforcing the loyalty of associates and cement the cohesion of the group.

The organizational configuration that results, therefore, confirmed as the tendency to structure the relationship between the cosche at a horizontal level is compensated by the tendency to strengthen the vertical character of each locale, differentiating roles and leadership positions. This, on one hand, reduces the autonomy of individual members, but on the other hand offers the same incentives to abide by the rules of the organization. Loyalty, along with the ability to drive action demonstrated in the field, can be rewarded by the opportunity to advance in the hierarchy. In other words, the high internal differentiation of roles and positions is useful to the career progression of the affiliates; their loyalty and their commitment can be constantly rewarded by the opportunity to achieve a higher rank within the cosca . Career opportunities strengthen the ties of belonging and increase the degree of loyalty and cohesion of the affiliates of the organization.

Rules and Symbols

The perspective of the analysis conducted also suggested focusing on the aspect regarding the rules, which are the base of the framework of criminal organizations . More recent investigations have provided a rich picture of information compared to the “constitution”²⁷ of the ’Ndrangheta from a formal point of view. For this purpose, it is important to ask how these rules are actually binding, and in particular, in what measure their normative cogency is more or less diversified compared to other roles and to the specific people that fulfill that position. As it is notorious, a hypertrophic normative structure—which seems to characterize the ’Ndrangheta —leaves a lot of room for power games. The latter is not held only by those who know more than others to enforce the rules, but especially by those who can control areas of uncertainty that are created between statement of the rules and their practical application (Crozier and Friedberg 1977).

Another important area to analyze pertains to symbolic dimension.²⁸ Inside the ’Ndrangheta, there is a vast catalogue of symbols and cultural codes , which is the result of a constant process of “invention of the tradition” (Hobsbawn and Ranger 1983). On the other side, Mafiosi are always identified for their capacity to manipulate and instrumentalize traditional values with the objective to obtain consensus and legitimacy.

Rules, symbols, and cultural codes are then strictly tied to practice and behavior, thus to the concrete function of the organization. It is here where the issue of family ties lies. In general, one may argue that the degree of rituals tends to increase when an association extends beyond the family relationship. If an organization is based only on blood ties , it does not need to be formalized on a ritual level. It is a very important aspect of the ’Ndrangheta : In fact, if anything it is due to the family, as has been repeated for some time, it is not understood why it would require specific mechanisms (such as the rites of affiliation) to make “solemn” the bond of membership or organizational structures articulated in so many hierarchical levels.

It is true that a criminal organization might be formalized even to redistribute the weight of family relations. It is a concern that emerges periodically as part of some ’Ndrangheta groups, against the resistance of others who want to preserve a greater margin of autonomy and action.

Coordination Among Locali

It is now important to bring into focus the operation of the inter-organizational level trying to understand how it was historically configured, how it changed throughout time, and what its peculiarities are.

During the mid 1980s, a bloody fight between cosche in the area of Reggio Calabria caused hundreds of deaths. The Mafia war suddenly finished in 1991 and, according to the declarations of some collaborators of justice, that happened thanks to the intervention of some members of Cosa Nostra and ’ndranghetisti located in Canada . From this moment, they began to talk about a new united entity of the ’ndrine , a sort of Calabrian “commission” similar to the Sicilian model. It seems, however, more of a coordination structure between groups that does not crush the traditional organizational structure, but on the contrary, it proposes to put in relations the networks of the single Mafiosi with those of the cosche and the different locali.

The existence of a superior entity was revealed with more evidence in recent years via judiciary investigation (Tribunale di Reggio Calabria 2010, 2012; Tribunale di Milano 2010). As a result, the main cosche of the province of Reggio Calabria became connected through territorial structures called mandamenti ²⁹ that gather the Ionic, Tyrrhenian, and the urban area of Reggio Calabria’s locali (Direzione Nazionale Antimafia 2012). These three mandamenti express an additional superior entity that coordinates, called Crimine or Provincia that is overseen by an elected member of different representatives of locali for a defined period. This role of capo-crimine ³⁰ is not assimilated to that of “capo dei capi” (as it has usually been simplified in journalistic reports), but a figure that has mainly symbolic and delegations’ roles.³¹ The same affiliates represent those who fulfill this position as a depositary and guarantor of rules and tradition of the ’Ndrangheta .

We are, thus, not in the presence of a strictly vertical and pyramidal structure, but to a model that tries to put in contact and to reciprocate identification among different criminal groups active in different territorial areas.³² The same model is also reproduced by cosche that operate outside Calabria : In some regions of the North Italy, as Lombardy , Piedmont , and Liguria is possible to find the same organizational structure in locali, internally distinguished into società maggiore and società minore , and the attempt of inter-organizational coordination. In particular, in Lombardy , it results the creation of a regional entity called indeed “La Lombardia” with the goal of putting in connection the different locali active in the territory. There is also news of a “camera di controllo” (control chamber) created in Liguria and the attempt to create a similar entity in Piedmont .³³ It is important, however, to specify that both locali and the superior coordination structures need to obtain “recognition” from the top of the most important ’Ndrangheta locali settled in Calabria . In this sense, they need to accept to be under the control of the Calabrian Crimine .³⁴

From the information available, a network configuration seems to be emerging that, from one side, lower the level of conflict and, from the other side, maximize the social capital of the more consolidated criminal organization . It is an organizational innovation, which makes up a flexible coordination structure, which ensures the consultation for the most important decisions, without compromising the the compartmentalization and the autonomy of each group.

The ’Ndrangheta seems to have imitated Cosa Nostra to equip itself as a united organ of coordination, but paradoxically, at the same time, the Sicilian Mafiosi —to protect themselves from collaborators of justice and from more efficient repression strategies from the investigation apparatus—have revealed the tendency to reorganize themselves according to a model that is similar to the Calabrian one, segmenting families and groups in order to render the association more impenetrable.

Both Mafia organizations present a reticular configuration, but Cosa Nostra tends to structure itself more like a “organization network,” while the ’Ndrangheta continues to maintain a character of a “network of organizations” with more differentiated knots and ties with variable intensity.³⁵

A Pact-Based Organizational Model

Having an organizational structure is important for a group of people who wants to act in mutual agreement to reach specific goals. In this regard, it is possible to distinguish between organizations that are limited to only promoting the coordination of members’ actions and others that will encourage the cooperation itself. In general terms, the coordination is easy to achieve, while the cooperation requires specific factors to be launched. As we have seen, in the case of the ’Ndrangheta , it has long been possible to recognize different elements that reveal the attempt to configure united coordinated structures, which, in turn, could encourage more concerted plans of action.³⁶

The last judiciary investigations (Tribunale di Reggio Calabria 2010; Tribunale di Milano 2010) have shed light on the dynamics through which the ’Ndrangheta has tried to “institutionalize” an inter-organizational model. The formalization of roles and connections has the goal of creating a legitimate exercise of the power, recognized by members of the groups based on trust and loyalty obtained through positive and negative sanctions. It is an apparent attempt to depersonalize some positions of authority, formalizing more precisely some leadership roles to be set up through election. This process of “democratization”, although more apparent than real, shows a commitment aimed at making power within the organization independent of specific forces or factions. It is in this way that it also tends to institutionalize the organization, as shared practices and cognitive schemes of reference are created, which serve to strengthen internal cohesion and solidarity. This does not mean to eliminate all conflicts, nor does it ratify the claim of tyrannical domination. The recognition and consolidation of an organizational structure does not necessarily imply a situation of peace and a convergence of interests and objectives. In most cases, arenas instead constitute comparing individuals and groups competing—and often also in the fight—between them. The formation of a “dominant coalition,” that is an oligarchical power structure, is thus favored.

From the findings in the last judicial investigations, the Crimine appears, above all, as an organization that seeks to play a role in ensuring inter-organizational levels, whereas its power seems much reduced to impose binding decisions at the collective level. The constitution of this entity is important anyway because it shows the attempt to structure interests, to coordinate initiatives, to influence alliances, and, above all, to create meanings socially shared. Certainly, decision-making mechanisms (the executive power) are important, but the symbolic functions and those of representation, particularly the guarantee functions, count even more. In any case, it is important that there is a formalized role—the capocrimine—which seems to have the task of acting as a guarantor of the unity of the ’Ndrangheta . The presence of elective and temporary positions is meaningful, together with the mechanism of territorial rotation of the top positions. More than in front of a “corporate” model of organized crime , a “corporative” model emerges, we could also say “consociation,” which envisages a system of concertation (rather than a unified decision-making system) and especially shows the importance attributed to the functions of guarantee and recognition.

Conclusive Considerations

Like in other organizations, inside Mafia organizations, there is a complex articulation of positions and roles. For example, alongside activities that are managed and coordinated by the organization at different levels, other are conducted in autonomy by single affiliates who have different leeway and can act with a certain amount of independence in both legal and illegal markets. Furthermore, Mafiosi have an asset of external relations that often manage at a personal level, being careful not to share with others their social capital, so that it constitutes an exclusive advantage. Roles formalized inside the organization do not necessarily coincide with power positions effectively held. One may find a Mafioso who, while not occupying an important role in the criminal hierarchy of the association, is able to exert his influence and power by virtue of the relational resources at his disposal, namely the social capital that is derived for example from the fact to perform functions as intermediaries between social networks of different types. In Mafia organizations, it is possible to find a combination of variably “strong” and “weak”³⁷ connections. Strong connections are assimilated to family ties, whereas weak connections are more instrumental and less characterized on an effective level. For a Mafia group, as we said, formalizing the association can mean disempowering the strong connections. It is a process that cannot be pushed beyond a certain threshold: In fact, the attempt to de-personalize roles is mitigated by the recourse to a symbolic and ritual apparatus that are used anyway to strengthen connections of belonging. In the ’Ndrangheta, this is extremely evident if we think there is a proliferation of ranks, rules, and command positions. Reading these dynamics in terms of primitive or traditional elements is too reductive and misleading. In reality, the proliferation of positions and the modalities of assigning the same are functional in the delineation of possible “careers” inside the criminal organization . Moreover, this also happens in the legal organization when trying to reward the loyalty through the ability to stimulate and structure the internal career paths, or by distinctions and differences of roles, positions, and command structures.

The organizational structure that we have described additionally proves useful to that peculiar combination of business and power that characterize the Italian Mafia, and that is evident in the case of the ’Ndrangheta (Sciarrone 2010, 2011). It is in fact criminal organizations oriented not only to the accumulation of wealth, but also to the exercise of power. The presence of different organizational levels allows them to have together on one side the entrepreneur dimension through which Mafiosi seek economic objectives, and on the other side the dimension of “secret society” that characterize them as a group of power (that exercise territorial control through functions of protection and mediation in areas that are more or less confined).

This particular combination between business and power is reflected in the associated presence of strong and weak connections of the organizational configuration. As we said, strong connections are important because they are used to provide organizational and social cohesion, but this type of tie is not enough to guarantee the reproduction and extension of the criminal network. Mafiosi need also another type of “enlarged” social capital able to favor external connections. Hence the importance of weak ties, which are not to be understood as about to break, but as “loose” ties, namely elastic and flexible, such as those that underlie the relationship of complicity and collusion, the true strong point of the Mafia, in particular that of Calabria.

Ultimately, the high level of cohesion and compactness of the ’Ndrangheta not only depends on alleged archaic characters of an original cultural matrix, but also cannot be explained by the mere importance of family ties, which in any case are a powerful bond of association. It is rather necessary to keep in mind the multidimensionality of its organizational configuration, reticular type, and variable geometry, able to guarantee a valid combination of centralization and flexibility, together with an effective mix of strong and weak ties, or closing inward and opening outward.