Abstract
The COVID-19 pandemic forced 1.38 billion learners to rush from the physical classroom to emergency remote teaching and learning (UNESCO 2020). Hodges et al. (The difference between emergency remote teaching and online learning, 2020) coined the term emergency remote teaching (ERT) to define ‘a branch of distance education’ that arises out of ‘a temporary shift of instructional delivery to an alternate delivery mode due to crisis circumstances’ (Another expression used was, for instance, ‘pandemic pedagogy’ (Hodges et al., The difference between emergency remote teaching and online learning, 2020; Milman, This is emergency remote teaching, not just online teaching. EducationWeek, 2020)) (see also Bond et al., Int J Educ Technol High Educ 18:50, 2021). As the situation evolved and ERT became the prevalent means of instruction around the world, issues with motivation and student engagement—and, crucially, accessibility—were forced to the surface (Accessibility falls outside the scope of this volume, though references to it will be made, given the interconnected nature of issues of digital equity with motivation and engagement. A study by Adnan and Anwar (J Pedagog Sociol Psychol 2(1):45–51, 2020), looking at Pakistani Higher Education during the pandemic, illustrates how online learning cannot produce desired results in underprivileged countries such as Pakistan. Most students do not have access to the internet due to technical and/or financial constraints. This precarious situation then goes on to aggravate other issues they identify, which we have seen are also common to different settings across the globe. Among them, the absence of F2F interaction with the educator and of traditional classroom socialisation—in other words, a perceived lack of a learning community of students and educators—appears as the most problematic one). The picture that emerged worldwide, in various ways and depending on varying circumstances, was that educational infrastructures were, by and large, not resilient. Established systems, which had arguably outlived their usefulness, were faced with an unprecedented crisis for which no blueprint existed, and the ensuing issues emerged particularly in areas such as assessment and community.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
Accessibility falls outside the scope of this volume, though references to it will be made, given the interconnected nature of issues of digital equity with motivation and engagement. A study by Adnan and Anwar (2020), looking at Pakistani Higher Education during the pandemic, illustrates how online learning cannot produce desired results in underprivileged countries such as Pakistan. Most students do not have access to the internet due to technical and/or financial constraints. This precarious situation then goes on to aggravate other issues they identify, which we have seen are also common to different settings across the globe. Among them, the absence of F2F interaction with the educator and of traditional classroom socialisation—in other words, a perceived lack of a learning community of students and educators—appears as the most problematic one.
- 3.
In this volume, we are not distinguishing English as a second language (L2) from the other languages considered by the individual chapters (German, Italian, Spanish), and thus, when we refer to L2, we also mean English and EFL teaching. That said, while a proliferation of research exists on ERT and the teaching and learning process throughout social distancing and its immediate aftermath, works that focus specifically on modern languages are still scarce, though many have focused on EFL, possibly due to the widespread presence of courses across the world, within and without HE.
- 4.
Other studies focusing on online assessment tools in spring 2020 cited specific concerns about not completing tests or online quizzes in time and the rigidity of the answers required or permitted (Dietrich et al. 2020); unreliable internet connections during tests (Means and Neisler 2020); and educators’ concerns about online proctoring services (Cutri et al. 2020).
- 5.
To give an example, in both the Italian and UK systems, for end-of-year high school exams (Esame di Stato and A-Levels, respectively), pupils are required to sit tests that have been centrally and externally devised. Teachers have no say in the choice of what the pupils they have known for years will be evaluated on. In Higher Education in both countries, on the other hand (leaving aside subjects that lead to accreditation), lecturers devise their own assessments and assessment patterns. Regardless of the degree of freedom they enjoy within this process (which depends on internal institutional policies), they can tailor these to the cohorts for which they are intended. Within ERT, this provided a level of resilience and agility that schools did not have, as demonstrated by the controversy surrounding school exams in 2020 and 2021. In the UK, all secondary education examinations were cancelled and an alternative method to establish qualification grades had to be devised and effected at short notice. In Italy, comparable disruption and controversy characterised the 2020 delivery of ‘Esami di Stato’. The format of the final exams underwent substantial changes with respect to what had been more or less stable and unchanged since 1999 (the year the new Esame di Stato format came into being): written tests were abolished and replaced by a ‘maxi-oral’ lasting one hour and divided into five parts. The evaluation system itself had to change: 13,000 examination boards were dismantled, and new ones were created with exclusively internal members (to avoid travelling for those involved), with only the president being external. Particular attention was given to the security measures to prevent the spread of the infection, which caused further distress and difficulties that might have been avoided with the use of an online platform. Students and commissioners had to always wear a mask, sanitise their hands, and present self-certification confirming they had not had a fever in the three days prior to the test. In Italy, that is, the focus was firmly placed on avoiding online cheating, hence the choice of oral as the main assessment method and in-person delivery for which, however, the system was simply not ready. In both countries, the rigidity of the secondary school systems meant that a one-size-fits-all approach had to be adopted, which, given the circumstances, was far from ideal.
- 6.
‘These ratings serve as a policy instrument that directly informs institutions’ reputation and, more broadly, aims to validly and reliably capture students’ satisfaction with their learning’. Thus, ‘if items within the NSS are aligned to pedagogic constructs that are ill-defined, or if there are sharp inconsistencies in interpretation, this is problematic for the reliability of NSS as a measurement’ (Prodgers et al. 2022).
- 7.
For example, West and Williams’ ‘concept of a shared “Vision” (which incorporates shared goals and missions) and “Function” (which encompasses shared actions) spoke directly to [Prodgers et al.’s] third theme of mutuality and the shared experience (or “feeling together”), whereas the concepts of “Relationships” (which encompasses sense of belonging and trust) and “Access” (which incorporates shared space and time) converged in our themes of “feeling connected” and “feeling included”’ (Prodgers et al. 2022).
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Fiorucci, W. (2023). Introduction: Rushing Online. In: Fiorucci, W. (eds) Language Education During the Pandemic. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-35855-5_1
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