Abstract
The Celtic Revival (c.1880–c.1920) shaped the work of an interconnected group of playwrights, poets, and artists whose creativity responded to its background of political and linguistic activism yet prioritized affective, often emotional sympathy for the ideals of a reimagined, deeply romanticized past. This chapter explores a selection of Revival-era versions of medieval Gaelic prose tales Táin Bó Cúailnge (‘The Cattle-Raid of Cooley’) and Longes mac n-Uislenn (‘The Exile of Uisliu’s Sons’), whose characters’ emotional activity has received significant revision or in which, more rarely, audience expectation of characters’ emotional range has been managed with well-informed precision. Focusing on well-known and lesser-known works, including W. B. Yeats’s Deirdre (1907), The triumph of Maeve by Eva Gore-Booth (1902), and Móirín Cheavasa’s The Fire-Bringers (1920), it contends that extremities of behaviour were vulnerable to omission or substantial refashioning by Revival-era anglophone authors, with graphic violence and grief for the dead most susceptible to adaptation. While revision could result from misunderstanding or limited access to medieval sources, it could also symbolize unusual familiarity with the nuance of an author’s original, apparent chiefly in The triumph of Maeve when Gore-Booth rewrites Táin Bó Cúailnge, bloodiest of heroic Ireland’s battles, as a pacifist fable whose catalyst is reframed as a defence of women’s subjection to male violence.
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Notes
- 1.
James Pethica, “The Irish literary revival,” in A companion to British literature, Vol. 4: Victorian and Twentieth-Century literature, 1837–2000, eds., Robert De Maria et al. (Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2014); Philip O’Leary, “‘Children of the same mother’: Gaelic relations with the other Celtic revival movements, 1882–1916,” Proceedings of the Harvard Celtic Colloquium 6 (1986); Joep Leerssen, Remembrance and imagination (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1997), and Seamus Deane, Strange Country: Modernity and Nationhood in Irish Writing since 1790 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 181–97. For the ‘Celtic’ Revival in Scotland, see Donald Meek, “‘Beachdan Ura a Inbhir Nis/New Opinions from Inverness’: Alexander MacBain (1855–1907) and the foundation of Celtic Studies in Scotland,” Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 131 (2002).
- 2.
‘Medieval Gaelic’ refers in this chapter to the literary language common to professionally trained poets and scholars in medieval Ireland and the medieval Scottish Gàidhealtachd (c. 1100–c. 1550); ‘Old Irish’ denotes the language prior to c. 1000 AD. Prose tales such as Táin Bó Cúailnge were composed in the Old Irish period but preserved initially by twelfth-century manuscripts. ‘Modern Irish’ (‘Irish’) refers to the descendant language, both spoken and written, latterly distinct to Ireland. Many scholars of medieval Gaelic were fluent speakers of Irish, but competence in the modern vernacular was largely independent of the capability to understand the older language or its literary corpus (see below).
- 3.
Aoidhe Chloinne Uislenn (The violent death of Uisliu’s children), Royal Irish Academy B iv 1 (MS 2), dated 1671, transcribed in Caoimhín Mac Giolla Léith, ed., Oidheadh Chloinne hUisneach/The violent death of the children of Uisneach (London: Irish Texts Society, 1993), 186–205. English translations, unless otherwise stated, are the present author’s.
- 4.
do sgaoil Deirdre a folt 7 ro stríoc si féin go talamh.
- 5.
do ling Deirdre isin úamhaidh ar muin chloinne hUisneach.
- 6.
For the context of Deirdre’s behaviour in this scene and its connexion to the oldest version of the brothers’ death, see Kate L. Mathis, “Mourning the maic Uislenn: Blood, death, and grief in Longes mac n-Uislenn and Oidheadh Chloinne hUisneach,” Scottish Gaelic Studies 29 (2013), and Danielle Marie Cudmore, “… agus ag ól a ḟola: Ingesting blood and engendering lament in Medieval Irish Literature,” in Grief, Gender, and Identity in the Middle Ages: Knowing Sorrow, ed., Lee Templeton (Leiden: Brill, 2022).
- 7.
Its aural impact causes physical harm, the first of several episodes in which unforeseen noise disrupts the tale’s characters’ status quo; see Cornelius Buttimer, “Longes mac n-Uislenn reconsidered,” Éigse 28 (1994–5): 2–8, and Giovanna Tallone, “A voice from beyond: The story of the Deirdre story,” ABEI Journal: The Brazilian Journal of Irish Studies 13 (2011): 35–44.
- 8.
Sarah Sheehan, “Feasts for the eyes: Visuality and desire in the Ulster Cycle,” in Constructing gender in medieval Ireland, eds., Sarah Sheehan and Ann Dooley (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013), 102.
- 9.
is i llis fo leith ro∙alt connach acced fer di Ultaib cosin n-úair no∙foad la Conchobor.
- 10.
Vernam Hull, ed., Longes mac n-Uislenn/The exile of the sons of Uisliu (New York: Modern Language Association of America, 1949), ll. 86–7. Conchobor’s refusal to preserve Ulster from the child’s prophesied effect is discussed by Elva Johnston, “Kingship made real? Power and the public world in Longes mac n-Uislenn,” in TOME: Studies in medieval history and law in honour of Thomas Charles-Edwards, eds., Fiona Edmonds and Paul Russell (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 2011).
- 11.
“The Story of Deirdre, in its bearing on the social development of the folk-tale,” Folklore 15, no. 1 (1904): 25.
- 12.
Alexandra Bergholm, “The drinking of blood in the ritual context of mourning,” in Language and power in the Celtic world, eds., Anders Ahlqvist and Pamela O’Neill (Sydney: Celtic Studies Foundation, University of Sydney, 2011), 3. Multiple subjects may be involved, especially in older, non-secular sources; Mathis, “Mourning,” 11–14, and Alexandra Bergholm, “Ritual Lamentation in the Irish Penitentials,” Religions 12, no. 3 (2021): §4 <https://doi.org/10.3390/rel12030207> [accessed April 28 2022].
- 13.
Augusta Gregory, “The fate of the sons of Usnach,” in Cuchulain of Muirthemne: The story of the men of the Red Branch of Ulster (London: John Murray, 1902; London: John Murray, 1911), 137. Citations refer to the 1911 edition.
- 14.
Gregory, Cuchulain of Muirthemne, 104–6.
- 15.
Buttimer, “Longes mac n-Uislenn reconsidered,” 27. For contemporary depictions of Deirdre’s youth, including by Gregory, see Sìm Innes and Kate L. Mathis, “Gaelic tradition and the Celtic Revival in children’s literature in Scottish Gaelic and English,” in The Land of Story-Books: Scottish Children’s Literature in the Long Nineteenth Century, eds., Sarah Dunnigan and Shu-Fang Lai (Glasgow: Scottish Literature International, 2019), 126–28.
- 16.
John Kelly and Ronald Schuchard, eds., The Collected Letters of W. B. Yeats, 1901–1904 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), 144–45. Vivian Mercier is confident that Yeats could not have remained convinced of Deirdre’s homely, housewifely qualities had he been better informed of her medieval depiction; “The morals of Deirdre,” Yeats Annual 5 (1987): 226–27.
- 17.
Doris Edel, “‘Bodily matters’ in early Irish narrative literature,” Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie 55, no.1 (2007): 101–2, and Kicki Ingridsdotter, “Death from emotion in early Irish literature,” in Ulidia 3, eds., Gregory Toner and Séamus Mac Mathúna (Berlin: curach bhán Publications, 2013).
- 18.
For reasons of space, conclusions are confined primarily to the evidence of written or scripted sources; for comparable transformation in oral performance, see Alan Bruford, Gaelic folktales and medieval romances (Dublin: Folklore of Ireland Society, 1969), and Georges Zimmermann, The Irish storyteller (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2011), esp. ch. 11.
- 19.
Normally into English, but sometimes French, such as summaries included by Henri d’Arbois de Jubainville’s Le Cycle mythologique irlandais et la mythologie celtique (1895), which had begun to influence Yeats’s work, via Gregory, prior to the book’s English-language translation by Richard Best (1903). See Sinéad Garrigan Mattar, Primitivism, Science, and the Irish Revival (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 59–63, and Augusta Gregory, Seventy Years (Gerrards Cross: Colin Smythe, 1974), 391.
- 20.
Declan Kiberd, Synge and the Irish language (London: Macmillan, 1979), 176.
- 21.
Distinct from broader reactions to the previous generation’s equation of Hellenism with Unionism, which problematized the creation of a pan-Gaelic national literature. See, for example, Arabella Currie, “Moderns of the past, moderns of the future: George Sigerson’s Celtic-Romans in Ireland, 1897–1922,” in Celts, Romans, Britons: Classical and Celtic influence in the construction of British Identities, eds., Francesca and Rhys Kaminski-Jones (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020), and Brian McGing, “Greece, Rome, and the revolutionaries of 1916,” in Classics and Irish Politics, 1916–2016, eds., Isabelle Torrance and Donncha O’Rourke (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020).
- 22.
Declan Kiberd and P. J. Matthews, “Introduction,” in Handbook of the Irish Revival: An anthology of Irish cultural and political writings 1891–1922, eds., Declan Kiberd and P. J. Matthews (Dublin: Abbey Theatre Press, 2015), 24.
- 23.
John T. Koch, “Celtic Studies,” in A Century of British Medieval Studies, ed. Alan Deyermond (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 235–63.
- 24.
Addressed most recently by Mark Williams, Ireland’s Immortals (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2016), 292–301; cf. Patrick Sims-Williams, “The visionary Celt: The construction of an ethnic preconception,” Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies 11 (1986). For the Scottish context, see Donald Meek, The quest for Celtic Christianity (Haddington: Handsel Press, 2000), Domhnall Uilleam Stiùbhart, ed., The life and legacy of Alexander Carmichael (Port of Ness: Islands Book Trust, 2008), and Kate L. Mathis and Eleanor Thomson, “‘Our poetry never lacks clearness if read in Gaelic’: Demystifying Gaelic and Anglo-Highland women’s writing in the Celtic Revival,” Scottish Literary Review 14, no.1 (2022).
- 25.
Discussed fully by Philip O’Leary, The prose literature of the Gaelic Revival 1881–1921 (Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1994), e.g., 281–354; cf. Alan Titley, “Synge and the Irish language,” in The Cambridge Companion to J. M. Synge, ed., P. J. Mathews (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 95–7.
- 26.
“The De-Anglicising of Ireland,” United Ireland, December 17, 1892. For Hyde’s speech, see Kiberd and Matthews, Handbook, 42–43.
- 27.
A similar observation is made by Elizabeth Cullingford, “The death of Cuchulain’s only son,” in Yeats and afterwords, eds., Marjorie Howes and Joseph Valente (Notre Dame, Ill.: University of Notre Dame Press, 2014), 55–56. Though competent in Irish, Gregory, like many fellow speakers, remained dependent on published translations of medieval texts; see O’Leary, Prose literature, 226–33, 238, and Kate L. Mathis, “An Irish poster girl? Writing Deirdre during the Revival,” in Romantic Ireland from Tone to Gonne: Fresh perspectives on Nineteenth-Century Ireland, eds., Willy Maley et al. (Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2013), 265–69, 272–74.
- 28.
A Literary History of Ireland: From the earliest times to the present day (London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1899). Hyde’s analysis enriched the incidental detail provided by older discussions such as Eugene O’Curry, Lectures on the manuscript materials of ancient Irish history (Dublin: James Duffy, 1861), which reflected medieval scholars’ prioritization of categories of similar tales into, for example, aidheadha (‘tragedies’), tochmarca (‘courtships’), or tana (‘cow-spoils’, i.e. cattle-raids).
- 29.
Eleanor Hull, ed., The Cuchullin Saga in Irish literature, being a collection of stories relating to the hero Cuchullin translated from the Irish by various scholars (London: David Nutt, 1898).
- 30.
Discussed by Maria Tymoczko, Translation in a Postcolonial Context: Early Irish literature in English translation (Abingdon: Routledge, 1999), 72, 79–80. The act of compilation could be highly significant, but on different terms; see discussion by Abigail Burnyeat, “Córugud and compilatio in some manuscripts of Táin bó Cúailnge,” in Ulidia 2, eds., Ruairí Ó hUiginn and Brian Ó Catháin (Maynooth: An Sagart, 2009), and Dagmar Schlüter, History or fable? The Book of Leinster as a document of cultural memory in Twelfth-Century Ireland (Münster: Nodus Publikationen, 2010), 85–113.
- 31.
For example, Hull, Cuchullin Saga, 91, 279. Where relevant, Hull also emends her contributors’ translations, some of which had been published originally in French or German.
- 32.
Cuchullin Saga, xiii. She adds drolly, in the context, that the same scholars have used it hitherto as “a battlefield for linguistic contests”.
- 33.
L. Winifred Faraday, The cattle-raid of Cualnge (Tain Bo Cuailnge): An Old Irish prose epic (London: David Nutt, 1904), xix (“Irish literature” includes medieval). Compare Hull’s observation that the version of Táin Bó Cúailnge translated by Standish Hayes O’Grady is “intended primarily for English readers, not Irish scholars”; Cuchullin Saga, 110.
- 34.
Gregory, Cuchulain of Muirthemne, ix; for context, and Hyde’s contribution to Gregory’s research, see Mathis, “Irish poster girl,” 267–69. For Revival-era paratext, such as Yeats’s preface to Cuchulain of Muirthemne, see Caitlyn Schwartz, “Text, paratext, and translation: The Ulster Cycle in the Gaelic Revival,” in Ulidia 3, 317–19.
- 35.
Tymoczko, Translation in a Postcolonial Context, 66; cf. 71–75, which critiques all contemporary translations of Táin Bó Cúailnge.
- 36.
“‘Bodily matters’,” 69–70; cf. O’Leary, Prose literature, 239–43.
- 37.
eDIL s.v. timthirecht, timpirecht <http://www.dil.ie/40825>. This is the spear’s typical point of entry and Faraday’s preferred solution for eliding the site of its victims’ wounds (e.g., 80–81, the death of Lóch, who was also horn-skinned). For discussion of the medieval episode’s complex imagery, which varies in its arrangement between Lebor na hUidre and Lebor Laignech, see Sarah Sheehan, “Fer Diad de-flowered: Homoerotics and masculinity in Comrac Fir Diad,” in Ulidia 2, 60–62.
- 38.
The cattle-raid of Cualnge, 105, from TBC i, l. 2578, dáig cnes congnaidhi imbi, nochonisgébdis airm ná ilfáebair; Cécile O’Rahilly, ed., Táin Bó Cúailnge. Recension I (Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 1976), 78.
- 39.
The cattle-raid of Cualnge, 112 (emphasis added), glossing TBC i, ll. 3093–94, Gaibthi Cú cona ladair & imambeir do Fir Diad a timthiracht a chuirp. Tochomlai amail óenga co m-ba cethéora randa fichet. Tairindi Fer Diad sís in scíath ar sodin. Atnúara Cu Chulaind cusann gaí ósin scíath curro bris a cléith n-asnai conlá triana chride Fir Diad, rendered fully by Cécile O’Rahilly: “Cú Chulainn caught [the gae bolga] between his toes and cast it at Fer Diad into his anus. It was as a single barb it entered but it became twenty-four. Thereupon Fer Diad lowered his shield. Cú Chulainn struck him with the spear above the shield, and it broke his ribs and pierced Fer Diad’s heart”; Táin Bó Cúailnge. Recension I, 207.
- 40.
Hutton, The Tain (Dublin: Maunsel & Co., 1907), 349, and Hyde, Literary History of Ireland, 333 (borrowing O’Curry’s phrase; see note 44, below). For Hutton, a fluent speaker of Irish who was proposed (unsuccessfully) as the first woman member of the Royal Irish Academy, see Diarmuid Breathnach and Máire Ní Mhurchú, “HUTTON, Mary Ann (1862–1953),” aimn.ie <https://www.ainm.ie/Bio.aspx?ID=259> [accessed April 28, 2022].
- 41.
Discussed by Doris Edel, Inside the Táin: Exploring Cú Chulainn, Fergus, Ailill, and Medb (Berlin, curach bhán Publications, 2015), 103–7.
- 42.
Is and dorala Medb ic sriblad a fúail for urlár in pupaill, TBC i, 2866; O’Rahilly, Táin Bó Cúailnge. Recension I, 202. The fullest extent of Medb’s enticement of Fer Diad is confined to the version of the Táin in Lebor na h-Uidre, the nominal basis of Faraday’s translation, which spares her the need to engage with a subsequent episode, confined to Lebor Laignech, in which Medb’s sudden menstruation creates three new lochs; Edel, Inside the Táin, 292–8.
- 43.
Faraday, The cattle-raid of Cualnge, 107, from TBC i, ll. 2867–75; Edel, Inside the Táin, 264–65.
- 44.
The cattle-raid of Cualnge, 112–13, from TBC i, ll. 3110–51.
- 45.
As one of five episodes preceding Cú Chulainn’s death; see Stuart Rutten, “Displacement and replacement: Comrac Fir Diad within and without Táin Bó Cúailnge,” in Ulidia 2, 319–22.
- 46.
Discussed by Amy Mulligan, “Poetry, sinew, and the Irish performance of lament: Keening a hero’s body back together,” Philological Quarterly 97, no. 4 (2018): 389–90.
- 47.
Cuchullin Saga, 186–98, from Eugene O’Curry, On the manners and customs of the ancient Irish (London: Williams and Norgate, 1873), 413–63, edited posthumously by William O’Sullivan. O’Curry also included a genteel version of Medb’s enticement of Fer Diad before the battle, i.e. offering “the hand of her beautiful daughter in marriage” (400), and the similar phrase “iron apron of wrought iron” (451) to indicate the site of Fer Diad’s mortal wound.
- 48.
Specifically in the ninth to eleventh centuries, between the Ulaid, long established in northern and north-western Ireland, and their “upstart neighbours” the Uí Néill. See Joan Radner, “Fury destroys the world: Historical strategy in Ireland’s Ulster epic,” Mankind Quarterly 23, no. 1 (1982): 45, and passim.
- 49.
Ann Dooley, “The invention of women in the Táin,” in Ulidia, eds., James Mallory and Gerald Stockman (Belfast: December Publications, 1994), 123, 126–27.
- 50.
Sarah Sheehan, “Fer Diad de-flowered,” 55.
- 51.
Ann Dooley, Playing the Hero: Reading the Irish Saga Táin Bó Cúailnge (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2006), 167. For the gendered domains of mourning and the gendered gaze, see Angela Partridge, “Wild men and wailing women,” Éigse 18 (1980–81); Cudmore, “… agus ag ól a ḟola,” 169–70; Sheehan, “Feasts for the eyes”; and Marjorie Housley, “‘The noble way you blushed’: Queering mourning verse in the Ulster Cycle,” in Grief, Gender, and Identity.
- 52.
Mathis, “Mourning,” 2–3, and, for later lament, Kate L. Mathis, “‘Tha mulad air m’inntinn’ and early modern Gaelic dialogue verse,” Aiste 5 (2019): 63–92.
- 53.
Mulligan, “Poetry,” 394–95, and passim.
- 54.
Abigail Burnyeat, “‘Wrenching the club from the hand of Hercules’: Classical models for medieval Irish compilation,” in Classical Literature and Learning in Medieval Irish Narrative, ed., Ralph O’Connor (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2014), 196, and Michael Clarke, “Achilles, Byrhtnoth, Cú Chulainn: From Homer to the medieval north,” in Epic interactions, eds., Michael Clarke et al. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 244–46.
- 55.
Michael Clarke, “Demonology, allegory, and translation: The Furies and the Morrígan,” in Classical Literature and Learning, 101.
- 56.
The cattle-raid of Cualnge, xviii. She overlooks that Cú Chulainn’s hitherto single-handed defence of Ulster was necessitated by the effect of the cess (curse) laid on his countrymen in Noínden Ulad (‘The debility of the Ulstermen’), a remscél (‘foretale’) to Táin Bó Cúailnge, which condemns them to suffer the pangs of childbirth for several days periodically. The waning of the cess coincides with Fer Diad’s death, the last of the single combats that Lebor na hUidre describes; see Edel, Inside the Táin, 47, 121.
- 57.
The cattle-raid of Cualnge, xvii.
- 58.
Discussed by Mulligan, “Poetry,” and Housley, “The noble way you blushed,” 149–56. See also Thomas O’Donnell, Fosterage in medieval Ireland: An emotional history (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2020), 83–97, which argues against an exclusively sexualized reading of their comradeship.
- 59.
Hull, Cuchullin Saga, 186. On this basis, rather than Faraday’s, Hull observes Fer Diad’s death scene as a superlative example of “Irish romantic literature”.
- 60.
coscair Fer nDiad fadesta & ben in ngae mbolga ass, dáig ní fétaim-se beith i n-écmais m’airm.
- 61.
Cécile O’Rahilly, ed., Táin Bó Cúailnge from the Book of Leinster (Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 1970), ll. 3486–87 [i.e. TBC ii].
- 62.
gorbo lán cach n-alt & cach n-áge de dá forrindíb.
- 63.
TBC ii, l. 3358.
- 64.
is trúag aní nar tá de, ‘nar ndaltánaib Scáthaiche, missi créchtach ba chrú garb, & tussu ulimarb.
- 65.
TBC ii, ll. 3543–50.
- 66.
Housley, “The noble way you blushed,” 149, 155.
- 67.
Hutton, The Tain, 352; characters’ names are anglicized and rendered phonetically, as her preface defends (vii–viii).
- 68.
Gregory, Cuchulain of Muirthemne, 243–44.
- 69.
The Táin, 67; following the brothers’ deaths, Hutton observes simply that “the men of Ulster cried three cries of woe and grief and mourning and loud lamentation”, restricting Deirdre’s involvement in grieving their loss to the verbal lament that she delivers in Longes mac n-Uislenn; see Mathis, “Mourning,” 3–4.
- 70.
Cuchulain of Muirtheme, 41. The episode is taken from an independent tenth-century tale, part of which was incorporated into Tochmarc Emire (‘The wooing of Emer’); see Kicki Ingridsdotter, Aided Derbforgaill/The violent death of Derbforgaill (Uppsala: Uppsala University, 2009), <https://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:213892/FULLTEXT01.pdf> [accessed May 1 2022], 31–5, and Cudmore, “… agus ag ól a ḟola,” 174–5. Gregory’s source is unclear but was probably the description of Derbforgaill’s arrival in Ulster that forms part of Tochmarc Emire, edited by Hull from Kuno Meyer’s translation (1888); Cuchullin Saga, 82.
- 71.
Alice MacDonell, “Deirdre: The highest type of Celtic womanhood,” The Celtic Review 8, no. 32 (May 1913); The Celtic Review 9, no. 33 (August 1913); Fiona Macleod [William Sharp], “The Gael and his heritage,” in The Winged Destiny (London: Chapman & Hall, 1904), 240; Mary Sturgeon, Studies of contemporary poets (London: George G. Harrap & Company, 1916), 148; Sophie Bryant, The genius of the Gael (London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1913), 190.
- 72.
See Innes and Mathis, “Gaelic tradition and the Celtic Revival,” 139–43; Mathis, “Irish poster girl,” 266–67, 270–71; and Kate L. Mathis, “Parallel wives: Deirdriu and Lúaine in Longes mac n-Uislenn and Tochmarc Lúaine ocus Aided Athairne,” in Ulidia 3, 19–20.
- 73.
“The ‘Trí Thruaige na Scélaigheachta’ of Erinn I: The exile of the Children of Uisneach,” The Atlantis 3 (1862). O’Curry’s version derived from the Yellow Book of Lecan, a late-fourteenth-century manuscript largely identical to its earliest extant copy in Lebor Laignech, composed c. 900; see V. Hull, Longes mac n-Uislenn, 29–32 and, for O’Curry, Ciaran McDonough, “Death and renewal: Translating Old Irish texts in Nineteenth-Century Ireland,” Studi Irlandesi: A Journal of Irish Studies 4, no. 4 (2014).
- 74.
“The death of the Sons of Uisneach,” in Irische Texte series 2, part 2, eds., Whitley Stokes and Ernst Windisch (Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1887), 109–84. Hull’s Cuchullin Saga reproduced Stokes’s translation (22–53), retaining Deirdre’s deliberate contact with the brothers’ blood, which is also retained by Hyde (Literary history of Ireland, 302–18). In fact, a missing folio from Stokes’s purported source resulted in his discreet substitution of its (absent) death scene with a nineteenth-century version; see Mathis, “Mourning,” 5–11.
- 75.
Deriving from Seathrún Céitinn’s (c. 1569–c. 1644) greatly influential Foras Feasa ar Éírinn (The learned history of Ireland), which included a significantly revised description of Deirdre’s role in the Sons of Uisliu’s lives. See Mathis, “Mourning,” 6–7, 14–15, and Kate L. Mathis, The evolution of Deirdriu in the Ulster Cycle (University of Edinburgh: PhD dissertation, 2011), 157–60 <https://era.ed.ac.uk/handle/1842/9813>
- 76.
See Gerard Murphy, Fianaiocht agus romansaiocht: The Ossianic lore and romantic tales of medieval Ireland (Dublin: O Lochlainn, 1955), 32–33. O’Curry’s label recognizes a pattern emerging in eighteenth-century scribal tradition that became prevalent in the nineteenth. Several Revival-era versions were composed in verse, including by Hyde (1895) and John Todhunter (1896).
- 77.
Samuel Ferguson, Deirdre; a one-act drama of old Irish story (Dublin: P. Roe, 1880), celebrated by Yeats, “The poetry of Sir Samuel Ferguson – II,” The Dublin University Review (November 1886), reprinted in The Collected Works of W. B. Yeats Volume IX: Early Art, eds., John P. Frayne and Madeleine Marchaterre (New York: Scribner, 2004), 14–17; see also Sandra Walker, ‘All that most ancient race’: A study of Ultonian legend in Anglo-Irish literature (D. Phil., University of Toronto, 1976), 126–65 (cf. Cullingford, “Death,” esp. 53–55, and Kiberd and Matthews, Handbook, 65).
- 78.
Deirdre: Manuscript materials by W.B. Yeats (Ithaca & London: Cornell University Press, 2004), lviii (emphasis added).
- 79.
Kelly and Schuchard, Collected Letters of W. B. Yeats, 1901–1904, 167. Though its publication was delayed, Russell’s play (1907) was completed and performed in 1901, prior to Gregory’s publication of Cuchulain of Muirthemne; as Mercier observes, as the first widely publicized Revival-era retelling it had significant resonance on others (“Morals of Deirdre,” 227). It is likely to have prompted Standish Hayes O’Grady’s complaint in 1902 that “the Red Branch ought not to be staged”; see Raymonde Popot, “The hero’s light,” in Aspects of the Irish theatre, eds., Patrick Rafroidi et al. (Paris: Éditions universitaires, 1972), 178.
- 80.
Æ [George Russell], Deirdre: A drama in three acts by A.E., being number four of the Tower Press Booklets, Second Series (Dublin: Maunsel & Co.: 1907), 51.
- 81.
Deirdre, by W. B. Yeats, being volume five of Plays for an Irish Theatre (London: A. H. Bullen & Dublin: Maunsel & Co., Ltd., 1907), 18. Albeit in retrospect, narrated by the chorus (2), Yeats’s play shares Gregory’s claim that a grown-up Deirdre had consented to marriage (as note 66, above).
- 82.
Deirdre, 40. For the chorus, see Ronald Schuchard, “The chanting of Yeats’s Deirdre,” The Princeton University Library Chronicle 68 (2007).
- 83.
Deirdre, 41. Yeats may have been familiar with poet Dora Sigerson’s briefer suggestion that Deirdre feigned acquiescence to Conchobor’s commands in order to end her life (“And Deirdre smiled once in his face as she mounted the steed by his side”), though her method otherwise resembles the conclusion of Longes mac n-Uislenn; Ballads and poems (London: J. Bowden, 1899), 40.
- 84.
Deirdre, 41–42.
- 85.
For example, O’Curry, “Tri Thruaighe na Scéalaigheachta,” 403. The absence of introduction to the play’s characters reflects Yeats’s presumption elsewhere that his audience will be—or should be—familiar with Gregory’s novelization: “who Deirdre the harper’s daughter was […] I shall not explain. The reader will find all that he need know about [her] in Lady Gregory’s ‘Cuchulain of Muirthemne’, the most important book that has come out of Ireland in my time”; “Baile and Aillinn,” The Monthly Review vol. 8, no. 22 (July 1902), 156.
- 86.
Deirdre, 43.
- 87.
Deirdre, 47.
- 88.
For the latter, see Joanna Huckins MacGugan, “Landscape and lamentation: Constructing commemorated space in three Middle Irish texts,” Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 112C (2012), and Sarah Künzler, “Sites of memory in the Irish landscape? Approaching ogham stones through memory studies,” Memory Studies 13, no. 6 (2020).
- 89.
Kathryn Stelmach, “Dead Deirdre? Myth and Mortality in the Irish Literary Revival,” in CSANA Yearbook 6: Myth in Celtic literatures, ed., Joseph Nagy (Four Courts Press: Dublin, 2007), 145; cf. Ann Dooley, “The heroic word: The reading of early Irish sagas,” in The Celtic Consciousness ed., Robert O’Driscoll (Edinburgh: Canongate, 1982), 155–59.
- 90.
Deirdre, 33–34.
- 91.
Deirdre, 45, 47.
- 92.
Tochmarc Lúaine (‘The wooing of Luaine’); see Mathis, “Parallel wives.”
- 93.
Joanne Findon, “Nes, Deirdriu, Luaine: fated women in Conchobar’s life,” in Gablánach in Scélaigheact: Celtic Studies in honour of Ann Dooley, eds., Sarah Sheehan et al. (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2013).
- 94.
For Longes mac n-Uislenn as a remscél to Táin Bó Cúailnge, see Tomás Ó Cathasaigh, “The Ulster exiles and thematic symmetry in Recension I of Táin Bó Cúailnge,” Studia Celtica Fennica 14 (2017).
- 95.
For its cause elsewhere, see Edel, Inside the Táin, 268–72.
- 96.
Francis J. Byrne, “Clann Ollaman Uaisle Emna,” Studia Hibernica 4 (1964): 62, discussed by Sheehan, “Feasts for the eyes,” 95, and Michael Clarke, “An Irish Achilles and a Greek Cú Chulainn,” in Ulidia 2, 247. Alexandros = Paris.
- 97.
The Variorum Edition of the Plays of W. B. Yeats, ed., Russell K. Alspach (London: Macmillan, 1979), 389.
- 98.
The Collected letters of W. B. Yeats: Volume I, eds., John Kelly and Eric Domville (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), 463; Sonja Tiernan, Eva Gore-Booth: An image of such politics (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2012), 20–21. While Yeats’s actual influence on her early work is unclear, Æ, who included five of Gore-Booth’s poems in his collection New Songs (Dublin: O’Donoghue & Co., 1904), was a significant contemporary and possible inspiration, also recommending her plays’ performance alongside his own. See Esther Roper, Poems of Eva Gore-Booth (London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1929), 9, 16–18.
- 99.
Reared on her parents’ estate at Lissadell in Co. Sligo, Gore-Booth had also been acquainted since childhood with its tenants’ stories, including Medb’s alleged burial site beneath the Neolithic cairn at Knocknarea (Roper, Poems of Eva Gore-Booth, 5). After 1897, she lived in Manchester, then in London with her partner Esther Roper (Tiernan, Eva Gore-Booth, 28 ff.). Unlike her sister, who learned the language in adulthood, Gore-Booth does not appear to have spoken Irish; see Prison letters of Constance Markievicz, ed., Esther Roper (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1934), 258, 264, 268–89.
- 100.
Cathy Leeny, Irish women playwrights 1900–1939: Gender and violence on stage (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 2010), 75; Lauren Arrington, “Liberté, égalité, sororité: The poetics of suffrage in Gore-Booth and Markievicz,” in Irish Women’s Writing: 1878–1922, eds., Anna Pilz and Whitney Standee (Manchester University Press, 2016), 214.
- 101.
For example, Unseen Kings, 86–87. A posthumous publication, The Buried Life of Deirdre (London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1930), completed c. 1908, draws on Hyde’s discussion of reincarnation as a formerly widespread belief among Ireland’s populace; see Literary history of Ireland, 94–104, and Nikhil Gupta, “‘No man can face the past’: Eva Gore-Booth and reincarnation as feminist historical understanding,” Women’s Studies 44 (2015).
- 102.
See Tiernan, Eva Gore-Booth, 85, whose excellent grounding of the play overlooks its sources beyond, unhelpfully, “Celtic myth”.
- 103.
The Three Resurrections and The Triumph of Maeve (London-New York-Bombay: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1905), 124–25.
- 104.
Discussed by Maria Elena Doyle, “A Spindle for the battle,” Theatre Journal 51 (1999), 43–46, and Cory Hutchinson-Reuss, Mystical compositions of the self: Women, modernism, and empire (PhD dissertation: University of Iowa, 2010), 31, 88, 97–116.
- 105.
The play derives from a series of episodes that describe Cú Chulainn’s death in its medieval account, via the translations of Gregory, Cuchulain of Muirthemne, 220–21, 321–33; Hull, Cuchullin Saga, and O’Grady, from whom Gore-Booth borrows ‘Eineen, called the Sorrowful’. Her medieval epithet Inguba (O’Grady’s ‘In-uva’) is not translated elsewhere. Cailitin’s children are the ‘unseen kings’, whose enchantments aim to convince Cú Chulainn that battle is underway outside his fortress.
- 106.
Unseen kings, 46–47, ellipses original.
- 107.
See Emma Donoghue, “‘How could I fear and hold thee by the hand?’ The poetry of Eva Gore-Booth,” in Sex, nation, and dissent in Irish writing, ed., Eimear Walsh (Cork: Cork University Press, 1997), 27–29, and Leeney, Irish women playwrights, 71–82. Both discussions provide delicate, nuanced assessment of Niamh’s depiction by Unseen Kings, but overlook most of the character’s background in existing accounts, deviation from which renders Gore-Booth’s version most striking.
- 108.
Unseen kings, 39.
- 109.
For Gore-Booth’s lifelong objection to unjustified violence, see Tiernan, Image of such politics, esp. 139–78.
- 110.
The Triumph of Maeve, 121.
- 111.
Explained by Gore-Booth as a fairy mound (The Triumph of Maeve, 118), the síd/sidhe is an otherworldly location in medieval Gaelic literature, taking multiple forms in contemporary tales. For its varied significance during the Revival, see Williams, Ireland’s Immortals, e.g., 30–31, 322–32 (in Æ’s work).
- 112.
Triumph of Maeve, 164–67.
- 113.
Triumph of Maeve, 168.
- 114.
Reprinted in The political writings of Eva Gore-Booth, ed., Sonja Tiernan (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2015), 167.
- 115.
Tiernan, Eva Gore-Booth, 148–51, 157–63; Political writings, 133–39.
- 116.
Similarly, in the weeks that followed the surrender of the Easter Rising the previous year, Gore-Booth republished scenes from The Triumph of Maeve as The death of Fionavar (London: Erskine Macdonald, 1916), illustrated by Constance Markievicz from her prison cell in Mountjoy Gaol. Maureen O’Connor’s otherwise excellent discussion of Fionavar’s context overlooks its abridgement—which results in Deirdre’s erasure—and the extent to which Gore-Booth’s exploration of non-violence depended (in 1905) on her informed manipulation of its ultimate medieval sources; “Eva Gore-Booth’s Queer Art of War,” in Women writing war: Ireland 1880–1922, eds., Tina O’Toole et al. (Dublin: UCD Press, 2016).
- 117.
The fall of the year (Dublin: The Gayfield Press, 1940), vii.
- 118.
While at Oxford, Chavasse was influenced by its Professor of Celtic, John Rhys (1840–1915), but his awareness of the Irish language and debates surrounding Home Rule began in childhood; see Diarmuid Breathnach and Máire Ní Mhurchú, “Chavasse, Claude Albert (1886–1971),” aimn.ie <https://www.ainm.ie/Bio.aspx?ID=242&xml=true> [accessed July 20 2022].
- 119.
Hilary Pyle, ed., Cesca’s diary 1913–1916 (Dublin: The Woodfield Press, 2005), 242; Daniel Corkery, “Foreword,” in Moírín Chavasse, Terence MacSwiney (Dublin: Clonmore & Reynolds Ltd., 1961), 12–13.
- 120.
Anna MacBride Whyte and A. Norman Jeffares, eds., Always your friend: The Gonne-Yeats letters 1893–1938 (London: Pimlico, 1993), 312.
- 121.
The Fire-Bringers: A play in one act (Dublin: The Talbot Press, 1920), 66–68.
- 122.
The Fire-Bringers, 72.
- 123.
“Tri Thruaighe na Scéalaigheachta,” 418–20.
- 124.
Mathis, “Irish poster girl,” 270.
- 125.
The Fire-Bringers, 68–69, 72.
- 126.
The Fire-Bringers, 75.
- 127.
“Deirdre,” Poetry: A magazine of verse XVII, no. IV (1921), 188. In its composition, Cheavasa may have responded to Fiona Macleod’s poem “Deirdre is dead”, whose voiceless, silent Deirdre cannot react to a lurking Conchobor’s soliloquized insistence on visiting her grave to reiterate his enduring desire; The Hour of Beauty (Portland, Ma.: Thomas B. Mosher, 1907), 61–2, cf. Macleod’s one-act play The House of Usna (1900).
- 128.
V. Hull, Longes mac n-Uislenn, ll. 252–54 (“Ní cotlu trá,/Ocus ní corcu m’iṅgne./Fáilte, ní-táet imm airi”).
- 129.
Constance Markievicz’s short poem “Our girls,” however, addressing her female comrades’ part in the Easter Rising, borrows her sister’s association of Deirdre’s voice with Medb’s; Countess Markievicz: Prison poetry and sketches, ed., Constance Cassidy (Lissadell, Co. Sligo: Castletown Press, 2017), 32. Gore-Booth does employ a similar technique to Cheavasa’s in a series of poems that unite Medb with Unseen Kings’ Niamh, suggesting that the unresolved surrender of her kingdom at the close of The Triumph of Maeve was compensated by Niamh’s love (the women are unconnected in their respective medieval depictions or Gore-Booth’s plays). See, for example, “A hermit’s lament for Maeve” and “To Maeve”, appended to Unseen Kings, and “The Romance of Maeve” in The Agate Lamp (London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1912), 94–6.
- 130.
Her significant poem The one unfaithfulness of Naoise (Dublin: The Talbot Press, 1930) is the only Revival-era rendition of the couple’s lives to explore an estrangement alleged to have spoiled the bliss of their Scottish exile, based on the later-medieval manuscript translated by Whitley Stokes (as note 68, above). Cheavasa creates eloquent, passionate Nuala, beloved briefly by Noísiu during their Scottish exile, from the previously unnamed, unremarkable “daughter of the earl of Dun Tréoin”; Stokes, Irische Texte, 115–17; Mathis, “Mourning,” 13.
- 131.
Chavasse, Terence MacSwiney, 9; “Moirin Cheavasa,” in Dictionary of Irish Literature. ed., Robert Hogan (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1996), 240–41.
- 132.
“The hero of the Red Branch,” The Irish Monthly 44, no. 515 (May 1916), 323.
- 133.
The Foray of Queen Maeve and other legends of Ireland’s Heroic Age (London: Kegan Paul, 1882), xiii. De Vere, whose preface treats his characters’ exploits as largely historical (v–vii), conceived his poem as “written […] in the character of an old Irish bard [but] not a translation” of his source (apparently an unpublished summary of Recension I by antiquarian scholar Brian O’Looney, now Royal Irish Academy MS 3 A 15).
- 134.
Foray of Queen Maeve, 179–80, 67–8.
- 135.
“Hero of the Red Branch,” 327 (“there is everything [in Táin Bó Cúailnge] which a good drama demands: the clash of character, of circumstances, of duties, as well as the finer touches of humanity”); Peadar Ó Laoghaire, Táin Bó Cúailnge ‘na Dhrama (Baile Átha Cliath: Muintir na Leabhar Gaedhilge, 1915).
- 136.
Philip O’Leary, Prose literature, e.g., 347–53, 484–89, and Philip O’Leary, Gaelic prose in the Irish Free State, 1922–1939 (University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2004), 346–48.
- 137.
“Is iomdha droich-iomchura bhionn i sna longphortaibh uile ar chúlaibh machaire an áir”; Seán Ua Ceallaigh, Rudhraigeacht [The Red Branch] (Baile Átha Cliath: M. H. Macanghoill, 1935), vi, translated O’Leary, Gaelic prose, 350.
- 138.
Cuchulain of Muirthemne, ix; O’Leary, Gaelic prose, 349–50. As O’Leary observes (351–53), linguistic as well as aesthetic considerations could inform this.
- 139.
O’Leary, Gaelic prose, 350–51.
- 140.
Myths and legends of the Celtic race (London: George G. Harrap & Company, 1911), 303.
- 141.
Myths and legends, 201. Rolleston’s prose text is based on his publisher’s fellow author, Eleanor Hull’s, partly original rendition in her later collection Cuchulain, Hound of Ulster (London: George G. Harrap & Company, 1909); see Innes and Mathis, “Gaelic tradition and the Celtic Revival,” 126–31. The conjoined trees motif, gradually commonplace, emerges during the eighteenth century; see Theophilus O’Flanagan, “Derdri,” Transactions of the Gaelic Society of Dublin 1 (1808), 133.
- 142.
Deirdre (Edinburgh: Patrick Geddes & Colleagues, 1897), 15–16. Its preface, which acknowledges Rolleston’s influence by Hyde’s (1895) and Todhunter’s (1896) recent poems (as note 70), also remarks on Deirdre’s similarity “in circumstances, [if] not in character” (3), to Helen of Troy, and her inadvertent culpability for the events of Táin Bó Cúailnge. For the poem’s ambitious operatic score and its prize-winning performance at the inaugural Dublin Feis Ceoil, see Jeremy Dibble, Michele Esposito (Dublin: Field Day Publications, 2010), 66–71.
- 143.
Douglas Gifford, “From Celtic Revival to Scottish Renaissance?,” in Gael and Lowlander in Scottish Literature: Cross-currents in Scottish Writing in the Nineteenth Century, eds., Christopher MacLachlan and Ronald Renton (Glasgow: ASLS, 2015), 225; cf. Declan Kiberd, “Deirdre of the Sorrows,” in The Cambridge Companion to J. M. Synge, 65–67.
- 144.
J. M. Synge, Deirdre of the sorrows (Churchtown: Cuala Press, 1910), 67, 78.
- 145.
Kiberd, “Deirdre of the Sorrows,” 69. Unlike most of his contemporaries’ versions, Synge’s play is explicit that Deirdre is aware of the danger her existence poses to Ulster’s safety (Deirdre of the Sorrows, 9, 24).
- 146.
Synge, Deirdre of the Sorrows, 23. As Kiberd observes (69), the phrase also mocks the play’s title; variations recur four times.
- 147.
Synge, Deirdre of the Sorrows, 71–2.
- 148.
Synge, Deirdre of the Sorrows, 76–7. The scene also rejected the quiet anguish of another key source for Synge’s play, the eighteenth-century early modern Irish Oidhe Choinne Uisnigh (Dublin: M. H. Gill & Son, Ltd., 1898), of which Synge had made a literal translation in 1901; Kiberd, “Deirdre of the Sorrows,” 65–66, cf. Nicholas Grene, Synge: A critical study of the plays (Macmillan: Basingstoke, 1975), 162.
- 149.
Anne Fogarty, “Ghostly Intertexts: James Joyce and the Legacy of Synge,” in Synge and Edwardian Ireland, eds., Brian Cliff and Nicholas Grene (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 236; Gifford, “Celtic Revival,” 225.
- 150.
Deirdre of the Sorrows, 70 (“she crouches down and begins swaying herself backwards and forwards, keening softly”), indicating Irish-speaking Synge’s first-hand knowledge of the performance of lament among living Gaeltacht communities; see Angela Bourke, “Keening as Theatre: J. M. Synge and the Irish Lament Tradition,” in Interpreting Synge. Essays from the Synge Summer School, 1991–2000, ed., Nicholas Grene (Dublin: Lilliput Press, 2000), and Hélène Lecossois, Performance, modernity, and the plays of J. M. Synge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020), 112–15.
- 151.
Kiberd, “Deirdre of the Sorrows,” 72. A similar, similarly affecting use of Deirdre’s borrowed voice infuses one of Francis Ledwidge’s (1887–1917) last poems, “The Lanawn Shee”, which addresses his former sweetheart Ellie Vaughey (d. 1915); Last songs (London: Herbert Jenkins Limited, 1918), 77–78, and Alice Curtayne, Francis Ledwidge: A life of the poet (London: Martin Brian & O’Keefe Ltd., 1972), 178–79.
- 152.
Titley, “Synge and the Irish language,” esp. 92–94.
- 153.
Kiberd, “Deirdre of the Sorrows,” 66.
- 154.
Including its Irish-language translation, Déirdre an Bhróin (1932), discussed by O’Leary, Gaelic prose, 368, 472.
- 155.
For exceptions, see O’Leary, Prose literature, 325–26.
- 156.
See, for example, Æ’s observation that the “hero tales” of medieval Ireland awaken emotions “not simple but complex”—based, in fact, on Gregory’s partly or wholly reshaped renditions in Cuchulain of Muirtheme, whose (predictable) homogeneity is unrecognized (“they are so alike in imaginative character that they seem all to have poured from one mind”). Æ, “The character of heroic literature,” in Imaginations and reveries (Dublin: Maunsel & Company, Ltd., 1915), 1.
- 157.
The Celtic myths that shape the way we think (London: Thames & Hudson, 2022), 221–41.
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Acknowledgements
I am grateful to the editors and to Sinéad Mooney, Kathryn Laing, and an anonymous reader for their comments on an earlier version of this chapter, and to Sìm Innes and Ralph O’Connor for reading drafts. Warm thanks to Sadbh Kellett for recommending the poems of Francis Ledwidge; to Mark Williams, whose reading of Deirdre appeared too late to be considered fully in this chapter;Footnote 157 and to Elizabeth Boyle, Abigail Burnyeat, Michael Clarke, Joanne Findon, Robbie MacLeòid, Amy Mulligan, Geraldine Parsons, and Roan Runge for their comments on versions presented at the University of California, Los Angeles, and Sabhal Mòr Ostaig. Special thanks to Joseph Nagy and all its sponsors for facilitating my attendance at the 42nd University of California Celtic Studies Conference in March 2020, and to Natasha Sumner, Ailbhe Nic Giolla Chomhail, and Demetria Markus.
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Mathis, K.L. (2023). ‘Shrink Not Appalled from My Great Sorrow’: Translating Emotion in the Celtic Revival. In: Sebo, E., Firth, M., Anlezark, D. (eds) Emotional Alterity in the Medieval North Sea World. Palgrave Studies in the History of Emotions. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-33965-3_10
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