Abstract
Ethiopia’s 1995 Constitution ostensibly created an accommodative multicultural federal governance structure often known in the academic literature as ‘ethnic federalism’. Since then, political inclusion, socio-economic justice and the federal system’s ability to accommodate diversity as well as end conflict in Ethiopia have dominated government rhetoric. However, this chapter argues that the federal system has also harboured exclusion and stoked conflict because of one ethnic group’s claim to domination of an administrative territory. The multi-ethnic community of Yeki Woreda in southern Ethiopia is examined as an example of a common phenomenon elsewhere in the country to illustrate the federal system’s failure to accommodate dispersed ethnic communities and the ensuing ethnic conflict. A more responsive governance alternative based on a ‘consociational democracy’ model is proposed, which would enable ethnic-based power-sharing agreements for minorities in the same political arena at sub-national level. While it suffers from some limitations, Lijphart’s ‘consociational democracy’ model appears to be the most capable of dealing with, if not eliminating, these problems and ultimately regaining peace among multi-ethnic communities.
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Notes
- 1.
See, Article 39(5) of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia’s Constitution.
- 2.
These are Abiy 1 and 2 Ersh, Achani, Addis Alem, Alem Beche, Beko Limat, Darimu Depey, Enderise, Feday, Gaylecha, Hberete Feray, Keremeche (Ermich), Komi, Komie Ersha Limat, Kubito, Kukey, Mecha, Selam Sefer, Shaye, Shemerega, Shosha, Shosha Ersha Lima, Shuma, Tsanu, Yeki and Zeneki.
- 3.
Nonetheless, the area is an exclusively Majang and Sheko settlement starting from Alamo hot land. According to the 2008 Population and Housing Census, there are 22 kebeles in Yeki. Of these, 11 are Sheko-inhabited, four are dominated by Majang and four are Shekicho-dominated kebeles.
- 4.
See the minutes of the meeting in Tapi, 2014.
- 5.
For instance, the federal and the regional government instructed the Sheka zone administration to use some sort of equal participation and quota system, but the zone did not enforce it. See for example Minutes of the January 2001 Meeting in Tapi.
- 6.
The Majang-Sheko informants contended that the government only imprisoned members of weak minority groups without due process of law.
- 7.
Letter from the Region President to the Sheka Zone Administration, 2002.
- 8.
Interview with Kiros, Conflict and Early warning expert in the MoFA, Addis Ababa, 17 February 2015. However, local informants deny that this party exists. They argue that the government is externalising its shortcomings. According to the researcher’s investigation, it is indeed a mere allegation or labelling.
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Acknowledgements
This work was supported in part by Open Society Foundations (OSF) and UPEACE Africa. The author would like to thank OSF and UPEACE for their financial support. The opinions expressed herein are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the views of OSF or UPEACE Africa.
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Mesfin, S. (2023). Ethnic Federalism, Exclusionary Self-Determination Rights and Conflict in Ethiopia: Consociational Democracy as an Alternative Approach to Peace and Security. In: Contemporary Issues on Governance, Conflict and Security in Africa. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-29635-2_14
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