Abstract
This chapter tracks the evolution of Internet governance from the “open Internet” discourses of the 1990s towards the current “policy turn”, and the growing regulatory activism of nation-states in addressing questions around the economic, political and communications power of digital platform companies. It observes that this occurs in a context of a shift in the politics of political parties of the right towards “Big State” populism, a crisis of liberalism as a dominant policy discourse, and demands in liberal democracies towards greater regulation of digital platforms. This in turn points towards a misalignment between the regulatory activism of nation-states and international Internet governance frameworks, which tend to be premised upon multistakeholder governance and a minimal role for nation-state governments.
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Notes
- 1.
The spectre of the Trump Administration has hung over US technology politics to a substantial degree. On the one hand, Trump was a vocal critic of “Big Tech”, and in fact issued an Executive Order in May 2020 to revoke Section 230 of the Telecommunications Act 1996, although it did not pass through the Congress or the courts. Trump supporters such as venture capitalist Peter Theil denounced Silicon Valley as a “one party state”, and prominent Republicans such as Senator Josh Hawley (R–MO.) have been vocal critics of the power of digital platform companies, in terms similar to Democrat critics such as Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA.) and Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D-MI.). At the same time, Trump’s relentless use of Twitter (now X) and other social media platforms to pursue his political agenda, and the extent to which misinformation was circulated on such platforms and within the wider “right-wing media ecosystem” (Benkler et al., 2018) by Trump allies, acted as a powerful catalyst for action to promote greater social and ethical responsibility on the part of digital platforms, and calls for greater regulation of digital platform companies to address their power over the communications ecosystem. Philip Napoli has argued that tech policy under the Trump Administration largely functioned as “symbolic policy making”, where the point was more to offer utterances that reflected the views of supporters (“Big Tech is hostile to conservative voices”), than to develop a substantive program of policy reform (Napoli, 2021).
- 2.
An important distinction is made here between global companies and “stateless” companies. Companies such as Google/Alphabet, Facebook/Meta, Amazon, Apple and Microsoft operate globally, but have corporate headquarters in the United States, and as such, are US companies. They are also subject within the countries that they operate to corporations’ law and other laws within those territories, although there are often disputes about the relationship between national and international laws in such contexts, including the implications of bilateral and multilateral trade agreements. On the importance of the “home base” to multinational corporations, see Dicken (2007).
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Flew, T. (2024). The Return of the Regulatory State: Nation-States as Policy Actors in Digital Platform Governance. In: Padovani, C., Wavre, V., Hintz, A., Goggin, G., Iosifidis, P. (eds) Global Communication Governance at the Crossroads. Global Transformations in Media and Communication Research - A Palgrave and IAMCR Series. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-29616-1_10
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