Abstract
What is the historical epistemology of the life sciences? In what way does it differ from historico-philosophical reflection on “foundational” or “conceptual” issues in the sciences tout court? This is a question to which Jean Gayon and his mentor Georges Canguilhem devoted a considerable amount of effort, yielding somewhat different answers, as I will try to show. One obvious difference, as P.-O. Méthot has shown, is Gayon’s appropriation of anglophone philosophy of biology; another is Canguilhem's way of presenting his work as restricted to contextualized, historicist claims while in fact it is shot through with strong normative (and at times metaphysical) claims on Life, normativity, and value. In this essay I reflect on how to conduct historical epistemologies of the life sciences, focusing on two interrelated cases I have worked on in the past: vitalism and the constitution of biology.
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Notes
- 1.
In his study of Gayon’s contribution to both historical epistemology and the philosophy of biology, P.-O. Méthot notes Gayon’s effort to distinguish himself from the ‘French’ tradition (Méthot, 2018), but also notes subsequently that Gayon’s research “retained the imprint of French epistemology” (Ibid., p. 33). See also chapters by Méthot and Loison, this volume.
- 2.
Canguilhem, “La médecine et son histoire” (1972 interview by F. Proust in Tonus), in Canguilhem (2018, p. 564).
- 3.
- 4.
Cimino and Duchesneau (1997), Rey (2000), Williams (2003), Wolfe and Terada (2008), Wolfe (2011, 2017, 2019a, 2019b, 2020b), Wolfe and Normandin (2013), Steigerwald (2014), Gissis (2014). Gayon’s reflection on Enlightenment vitalism is limited to Gayon (1994). On vitalism in the twentieth century, especially in the context of Logical Empiricism, see Gayon (2010) and Chen (2019).
- 5.
Ménuret (1739–1815) published mainly under the name Jean-Jacques, although his given name was Jean-Joseph, for reasons that remain unknown; his birth date is usually wrongly given as 1733. Between late 1758 and 1761, when he was aged 19–22, he contributed a staggering number of medical entries to the Encyclopédie, which have only recently been identified as his (Rey 2000).
- 6.
Diderot, a great reader of the vitalists, writes, “All our organs […] are only distinct animals which the law of continuity holds together in a general state of sympathy, a single unity, a single identity” (Rêve de D’Alembert, in Diderot, 1975, XVII, p. 122).
- 7.
This work, an Essai sur l’irritabilité signed “Mr ‘D.G.,” is actually by J.C.M.G. de Grimaud, Chair of Anatomy in Montpellier in the late decades of the vitalist school.
- 8.
A part of this manuscript exists, but did not circulate; it was only published in the twentieth century by Pierre-Paul Grassé (Lamarck 1944). Grassé considers the text to be from 1812–1814 but Pietro Corsi has shown more recently that Biologie represents older material, earlier than his 1802 book (Corsi 2006, 38n.).
- 9.
Roose (1797), Introduction, Schmid (1798–1801), Burdach (1800; Burdach stands out in this context for being a physician). On the history and development of biology in those years (1795–1802), see Barsanti (1995), Caron (1988), Corsi (2006), Kanz (2002), Toepfer (2011), Gayon (2014) and Wolfe (2019a).
- 10.
McLaughlin (2002). The full title of Hanov’s work—he uses the term in the text of volume 4 rather than 3—is Philosophiæ naturalis sive physicæ dogmaticæ tomus I continens physicam generalem, cœlestem et ætheream. Tanquam continuationem systematis philosophici Christiani L.B. de Wolff (Halle, 1762). And, as was often the case (in Linnaeus and others), ‘biology’ is not used in Hanov’s text as we would understand it. For further analysis of Hanov, see Duchesneau (2018).
- 11.
At times the name for this projected science is no longer one we recognize, e.g. “Zoonomia” (Schmid, Erasmus Darwin and others) or “Bionomia” (Hanov, and later Comte, as noted in Gayon, 2014); at other times, it is a familiar name but with an expanded meaning, like Kielmeyer’s “allgemeine Zoologie” (by which he meant a “physics of organized beings”—in other words, a biology: Lenoir, 1982, 50f.), or Claude Bernard’s usage of “physiology” to mean the science of life (Bernard, 1879, I, 1ère leçon, 3). Cf. Kanz (2002, p. 11). Auguste Comte, in his lectures, discusses all of these terms (not as candidates for the name of the science but as describing different parts of that science), as described in Gayon (2014, 14n.).
- 12.
- 13.
Diderot, Pensées sur l’interprétation de la nature (1753/1754), § 4, reprinted in Diderot (1975). On natural history as ‘biology’ in Diderot, see Wolfe (2009), Wolfe and Shank (2019); for a similar argument regarding Buffon, see Roger (1979). Roger comments that the second volume of Buffon’s Histoire naturelle (1749) contains, under the heading “History of Animals,” chapters which fully belong to what today would be called “general biology” (1979, 49); Gayon observes that “natural history dealt with a number of the objects that biology later took over” (Gayon, 2014, 17)—a more charitable view than in Gayon (1998). For an opposite view, defending an axiomatic and mathematical background for the emergence of biology, via an emphasis on Christian Wolff, see van den Berg and Demarest (2020). For a more anatomically focused narrative, see Schmitt (2006).
- 14.
Maupertuis, Lettre sur le progrès des sciences (1752), § 13, in Maupertuis (1756, vol. II, 386).
- 15.
A separate paper would be needed to show how this chemical focus (a) allows of a vitalist inflection and, importantly (b) need not amount to focusing on vital forces. In Blumenbach for instance, the study of biological functions is explicitly tied to a strong concept of vital force: his Bildungstrieb is truly a Lebenskraft which, alone, enables the explanation of how physical and chemical laws subserve the laws of organization in the course of embryogenesis (Blumenbach 1787, § 42–48; cf. Duchesneau 2011). For instance, if we examine the points of contact between nascent biology and slightly more emerged chemistry—around what will come to be called organic chemistry (Holmes 1974)—with an eye to the conceptual conditions of the emergence of biology, it then appears that this emergence had less to do with the affirmation of irreducible vital forces, and more with an increased focus on new, chemical conceptions of self-organizing processes (Bognon-Küss, 2019). I also do not engage here with the debate surrounding the ‘Lenoir Thesis’, i.e., the extent to which Kant influenced Blumenbach and other’s Kant-betraying programs for a biology (see Lenoir, 1982 and the extensive and convincing critique in Zammito (2012), although he acknowledges that what may have been a misunderstanding of Kant was “influential... in the constitution of biology as a discipline in the succeeding decades”: Zammito (2018, p. 236).
- 16.
Joan Steigerwald has noted that Treviranus’s Biologie “provides an ambiguous prototype for a science of biology,” however, because Treviranus established neither a new school or discipline nor created an institutional or technical basis for empirical inquiry into life (Steigerwald, 2014, p. 105).
- 17.
For an excellent, less tendentious discussion of the shifting meanings of ‘biology’ and its predecessors, ‘physiology’ and ‘natural history’, and an analysis of the relation between ‘philosophy’ and these terms, see Gayon (1998) and Gayon (2014). For the newer view that the eighteenth century was significantly concerned with ‘vital’ matters, see Reill (2005), Zammito (2018), Bognon-Küss and Wolfe (2019a, 2019b), Wolfe (2019a), and the reflections in Huneman (2019). Zammito criticizes Foucault’s claim that there was no historicized sense of Nature in the eighteenth century, as well (Zammito, 2018, p. 173).
- 18.
“Ante omnia itaque scire convenit, quid sit illud quod vulgata appellatione vita dicitur” (Stahl, Theoria medica vera, cit. Treviranus 1802, vol. I, 11n.).
- 19.
Some put Lamarck in this position, because he considered life as a set of laws resulting from specific kinds of organization, while others consider that Treviranus should occupy this position, or that the emergence of a discipline should not be traced back to individual factors.
- 20.
Discussion after my presentation on Canguilhem and vitalism at the conference Vie, vivant, vital: vitalisme (Université de Montpellier, June 2009).
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Wolfe, C.T. (2023). Vitalism and the Construction of Biology: A Historico-Epistemological Reflection. In: Méthot, PO. (eds) Philosophy, History and Biology: Essays in Honour of Jean Gayon. History, Philosophy and Theory of the Life Sciences, vol 30. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-28157-0_13
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