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The Emergence of Social Life and the Ontology of Consociatio in the Political Theory of Johannes Althusius

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The Reality of the Social World

Part of the book series: Historical-Analytical Studies on Nature, Mind and Action ((HSNA,volume 12))

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Abstract

Political and social theories, contemporary as well as historical, rest on explicit and implicit notions of social life. Even if the subject matter of these theories is not ontology as such, notions about social life inevitably give rise to some kind of ontology that is social for the simple reason that it concerns social phenomena. My aim here is to discover the sort of fundamental elements that social life rests on in the political theory of Johannes Althusius (1557–1638). The analysis shows that besides the human will, which has an important role in the existence of social life, social life is also a product of nature and the will of God. These three forces are also in play in the ontology of consociatio, i.e. an association or union, that is the main locus and mode of social life and the fundamental building block of society understood as an aggregation of multiple consociationes. This is because the existence of consociatio depends on its order-giving ‘symbiotic right’, which is a product of nature, God, and human effort. Further analysis of symbiotic right reveals that the ontology of consociatio is set in a framework of a ‘substantial’ ontology of reality, but that it also manifests ‘relational’ and even ‘processual’ dimensions to an extent that is surprising if pre- and early modern social and political theories are thought to rest firmly on an Aristotelian ontology of substance.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Friedrich has called Althusius ‘the clearest and most profound thinker which Calvinism has produced in the realm of political science and jurisprudence’ (Introduction to Politica (1932, xviii)). Henreckson estimates that Althusius was prominent in early Reformed political thought in two ways: ‘first, in the sense that his work was given a quasi-canonical status by many of his immediate heirs and critics; and second, insofar as his work was a crystallization and even culmination of the thought of many of his contemporaries’ (2019, 128). Nevertheless, Althusius’ work fell out of grace after the mid–seventeenth century as he was ‘routinely denounced as a dangerous theorist of anti-state riots and his book of politics as “poison” for the youth, a “pestilence,” and “worthy to be tossed into the flames”’ (Hueglin 1999, 18). Only by the end of nineteenth century was Althusius recovered form relative obscurity by Otto von Gierke, who laid the groundwork for renewed interest in Althusius’ thought in the twentieth century (Carney’s introduction to Politica (1995, ix)).

  2. 2.

    There are three different editions of Politica dating from 1603, 1610, and 1614. The last is the most substantial and the one that scholars have conventionally studied. In addition to Politica, Althusius’ main theoretical works consist of judicial and ethical writings. His principal ethical work is Civilis conversationis libri duo (1601) and his central legal works are Jurisprudentia Romanae (1586) and Dicaeologicae (1617).

  3. 3.

    The marking ‘I, § 1’ refers to the first book and the first paragraph of Politica. Occasionally I do my own translations which are indicated by reference to Politica (1981) which is a reprint of the 1614 Latin edition. In many cases I have also included Latin original in the footnote for further reference. As a general reference, I have opted to use Carney’s abridged English translation of Politica (1995) for accessibility.

  4. 4.

    For a fuller account of the numerous sources that Althusius draws on, see e.g. Carney’s introduction to Politica (1995).

  5. 5.

    ‘Hominis politici symbiotici finis est sancta, justa, commoda & felix symbiosis, & vita nulla re necessaria vel utili indigens. Ad hanc vero vitam vivendam, nemo hominum per se est αὐτάρκης, vel sufficiens & satis a natura instructus’ (Politica I, § 3 (1981, 2)).

  6. 6.

    Symbiosis’, i.e. ‘living together’. The concept of symbiosis and its derivatives are important and characteristic expressions in Althusius’ theory. For an in-depth analysis of ‘symbiosis’ see e.g. Friedrich’s Introductory Remarks in Politica (1932), Scattola (2002), and especially Malandrino (2010b).

  7. 7.

    For Althusius the perfect human condition is destroyed through the Fall of man (Koch 2009, 82). He sees human beings as limited in their abilities, such as their intellectual abilities, and prone to evil (Friedrich’s Introduction to Politica (1932, lxx–lxxi). In their fallen state, human beings are temporarily inclined and hostile toward God (Koch 2005, 62). Although, education provides a way of bringing the human soul back to its original perfection (Koch 2009, 82). Note that for the deeper understanding of Althusius’ view of man, both Koch and Friedrich rely on Althusius’ De Utilitate, Necessitate et Antiquitate Scholarum, which is printed as an appendix to Politica.

  8. 8.

    Although, this varies depending on the type of association (defined in Sect. 6.3). Public associations, that is cities, provinces and realms, clearly manifest both secular and ecclesiastical sides. In the case of private associations, families and collegia (professional associations, guilds), the existence of the double concern (over body and soul) is not as clear.

  9. 9.

    Particularly in the twentieth century secularizing interpretations of Politica were common, but since the end of the last century there has been a growing interest in understanding the numerous biblical references of Politica (e.g. Janssen 1992) and to read Politica in the context of Reformist theology as well as political thought (e.g. Henreckson 2019).

  10. 10.

    ‘Cum itaque remedium & auxilium illi ostendatur in vita symbiotica, ad hanc, si commode & bene, imo si vivere cupit, amplectendam ducitur, & quasi impellitur [...]’ (Politica I, § 4 (1981, 3)).

  11. 11.

    See also Politica I, § 32 (1995, 24).

  12. 12.

    Althusius, Politica I, § 26. ‘[…] Deus opt. Max. sua dona varie distribuit inter homines. Non enim uni contulit omnia, sed aliis alia, ut ego tuis, tu meis indigeres, ita ut quasi necessitas communicandorum necessariorum & utilium hinc nata sit, quae communicatio non nisi in politica vita sociali fieri poterat. Ideo Deus voluit, ut alter alterius opera & auxilio egeret, ut devinciret omnes & singulos amicitia, ne alius alium floccipenderet.’ (1981, 8)

  13. 13.

    This can be seen by numerous references to natural order of things, the inequality of human beings and the fact that some people are better suited to rule than others. See e.g. Politica I, § 34–38; VI, § 47 (1995, 25–26, 49–50).

  14. 14.

    ‘Necessitas igitur suasit consociationem & indigentia rerum ad vitam necessariarum, quae consociatorum ope & consilio adquiruntur & communicantur, eam conservat. […] Qua ratione manifestum est, civitatem, i. e. civilem societatem natura consistere, hominemque natura esse civile animal, eamque consociationem sensim appetere.’ (Politica I, §33 (1981, 10)).

  15. 15.

    ‘Itaque eremitae μισάνθρωπο & άπόλιδες, sine certo lare, foco, vel domicilio & sede viventes, plane per se miseri, neque sibi, neque aliis utiles sunt. Nam quomodo proximi sui commoda promovere hi possunt, nisi societati humanae se insinuent? (Eccl.cap.4.5.6.7.8) ubi Junius notat utilitates vitae socialis (1.Cor.cap.12.7&seqq). Quomodo caritatis opera aliis possunt praestare, quando extra consortium hominum degunt? Quomodo ecclesia aedificari & reliqua primae tabulae officia commode praestari possunt?’ (Politica I, § 25 (1981, 8)). See also I § 23 where Althusius describes the meaning of the second table of Decalogue.

  16. 16.

    Miegge (2010, 149–150) sees that Althusius condemns the life of hermits, because one cannot learn of God in isolation nor take part in building the Church.

  17. 17.

    That Althusius has in mind the duties of the second table of Decalogue when he speaks of activities or attitudes towards fellow men is clear in other sections, such as Politica I, § 22–23; IX, § 31; XXI, § 27–28 (1995, 22, 75, 142–144).

  18. 18.

    Althusius does not talk much about how salvation is procured, but rather how pious life is attained. For my purposes it suffices to treat these equivalent, as I am not debating (Reformist) theology. For the connection between following God’s commandments and the attainment of pious (and ultimately eternal) life, see e.g. Politica VII, § 5–6; IX, § 28, 34, 38, 39; XXI, § 18 (1995, 51–52, 74–76, 139).

  19. 19.

    Malandrino (2010b, 344) and others who emphasize the Reformist context tend to conflate these roles and see God as a kind of a caller in the sense that he irresistibly (at risk to their salvation) calls human beings to take part in symbiotic life according to their pre–ordained place, role, and occupation (vocatio) in society.

  20. 20.

    The consensual or contractual character of consociatio is most visible in case of collegium and universal association (realm) (Politica IV, § 1–3; IX, § 1, 3 (1995, 33, 66)), but the family and city also manifest this voluntary aspect (Politica II, § 14; V, § 1, 8 (1995, 28, 39–40)). The province’s contractual character remains less specific. In Sect. 6.3 I explain the different types of association.

  21. 21.

    In this respect see e.g. Friedrich’s introduction to Politica (1932), Hueglin (1999), Duso (2002), and Henreckson (2019).

  22. 22.

    Carney, ‘Translator’s introduction,’ in Politica (1995, 11).

  23. 23.

    An exemplary analysis of the concept of consociatio can be found in Zwierlein (2010) where he identifies and discusses four different contexts of consociatio (the Ciceronian and Ramist influence, in federal theology, Roman law, and ‘koinônia’ in Aristotelian thought) and reflects on their similarities and differences in regard to Althusius’ use of the concept.

  24. 24.

    According to Althusius types of collegia vary depending on the circumstances of persons, crafts, and functions. They exist for different social, religious, educational or commercial ends (Benoist 2000, 34). Althusius gives examples like collegia of bakers, tailors, builders, merchants, coiners of money, philosophers, theologians and government officials (Politica IV, § 24 (1995, 38)). The notion of collegium is important for Althusius’ thought also because decision-making in different types of consociationes (excluding the family) is clearly collegial. Thus, for example, a collegium of officials of a public consociatio is functionally rather a (public) administrative organ than a (private) professional association.

  25. 25.

    For Althusius’ federalism see e.g. Woldring (1998), Hueglin (1999), and Malandrino (2010a).

  26. 26.

    For an analysis of communicatio, see particularly Povero (2010). He emphasises that communicatio is for Althusius a dynamic term in the sense of ‘creating community’ and ‘taking part in something common.’

  27. 27.

    Althusius, Politica I, § 2 ‘Proposita igitur Politicae est consociatio, qua pacto expresso, vel tacito, symbiotici inter se invicem ad communicationem mutuam eorum, quae ad vitae socialis usum & consortium sunt utilia & necessaria, se obligant’ (1981, 2).

  28. 28.

    Generally, communicatio concerns especially jus, res and operae but often also help (auxilium) and advice (consilium) among other things. Reflecting these five major objects of communicatio, Povero (2010, 142) has identified five areas of communicatio in Politica: legal, economic, that of sharing skills, that of subsidiarity, and that of moral support in the name of Christian charity. With Povero ‘subsidiarity’ seems to refer loosely to sharing aid in various ways, but in general it refers to the principle that matters should be decided on and executed by the level of structured social life to which they are most proper. In Althusius’ scheme, higher level consociationes are established for greater self-sufficiency. For example, the realm is created to provide things that are not attainable by individual cities and provinces. Crucially, after the establishment of the the realm it does not take over the matters of cities and provinces (nor of course families or collegia)—its jurisdiction covers only those things that were deemed proper to it.

  29. 29.

    De Vries and Nitschke also underline the centrality of symbiotic right in communicatio and note how it holds the community together, gives it the order it requires, and separates it from a mere crowd (2004, 107). They also emphasize how for Althusius (following Calvin) law and order are indispensable parts of political system, and note that for him a well-functioning community can only exist and be held together based on law and order (2004, 113–114). However, they also bring up the necessity of consensio and concordia for the existence of consociatio, since without them the system of order would collapse (2004, 116–117). This is an important point to consider because it reveals that the existence of consociatio and the symbiotic right are not static, but rather dynamic, even volatile, phenomena which need to be constantly reaffirmed and supported by facilitating consensus and harmony. Above I have accounted for the necessity of mutual agreement by referring to the efficient cause of consociatio, but otherwise it is not analyzed further here. For a more in–depth interpretation of concordia in Althusius’ theory, see e.g. Lazzarino Del Grosso (2010).

  30. 30.

    See e.g. Politica I, § 13 (1995, 20) for a general statement; II, § 3,5 (1995, 27–28) for a family and collegium; V, § 1,5, 8, 22–23 (1995, 33–35, 37) for a city or community (universitas); VII, § 3, VIII, § 1,50, 52, 56 (1995, 51, 53, 61–63) for a province; and IX, § 21 ff. (1995, 71ff) for the realm.

  31. 31.

    Scattola (2002, 220–221) emphasises the order-giving role of ‘jus symbioticum’ and the primacy of communicatio of right over other kind of sharing. However, he also notes that since man is by nature determined to this order, the relationship between communicatio and jus symbioticum becomes mutual, so that the communicatio is both the cause and the consequence of the jus symbioticum. Consequently, it seems difficult to determine which comes first, communicatio or the order of communicatio, especially when considering the possibility that order arises from practice, from the tacit agreement to share, to take part in what is common. (See e.g. Politica I, § 2, 29 (1995, 17, 24), and IX, § 1–2 (1995, 66) cited above). Nevertheless, it still seems impossible that there could be sharing without the order of sharing.

  32. 32.

    In addition, see also e.g. Politica II, § 3, 5 (1995, 27–28) concerning private and simple consociationes in general; II, § 14–15 (1995, 28–29) concerning family; IV, § 1, 8, 16–17 (1995, 33–37)concerning collegium; V § 5, (1995, 39) concerning public consociationes in general; V, § 8; VI, § 15 (1995, 40, 46) concerning city or community; VII, § 1, 3, (1995, 51) concerning province; and IX, § 16–17 (1995, 70) concerning universal consociatio; for the existential importance of laws in general see e.g. X, § 4, 8; XXI, § 18 (1995, 80–82, 139).

  33. 33.

    Althusius, Politica V, § 4. ‘Homines congregati sine jure symbiotico, sunt turba, coetus, multitudo, congregatio, populus, gens.’ Los. d. c. 2. n. jp. & seqq (1981, 59).

  34. 34.

    Politica VI, § 45. ‘Contra, quando haec jura communia universitati adimuntur, desinit esse universitas.’ (1981, 101)

  35. 35.

    Politica IX, § 1–2. ‘Universalis, publica, major consociatio est, qua civitates & provinciae plures ad jus regni mutua communicatione rerum, operarum, mutuis viribus & sumptibus habendum, constituendum, exercendum & defendendum se obligant. Nam sine hisce praesidiis & jure communicationis, vita pia & justa in symbiotica universali institui, coli & conservari nequit.’ (1981, 167)

  36. 36.

    At the level of the realm, the discussion of ius regni is closely related to jus symbioticum as they both describe the jus, in sense of order, stemming from the community (Scattola 2002, 221–223), but also include the guiding or leading function to uphold that order (see e.g. Henreckson 2019, 153). Thus, I treat jus regni and jus symbioticum synonymous.

  37. 37.

    Althusius, Politica IX, § 17. ‘Quamdiu igitur hoc jus in regno viget, & hoc corpus politicum regit, tamdiu illud vivit & bene habet, Novel. 105. c. 2. c. 4. eo vero sublato, omnis illa vita symbiotica concidit, & vel incipit esse latrocinium, malorumque hominum congregatio, vel ex uno regno fiunt diversa plura alia regna, aut provinciae.’ Rosenthal. lib. I. de feud. c. 5. conclus. 10 & 11 (1981, 175); See also e.g. Politica XIX, § 10, 35; XXI, § 18; XXXVIII, § 72 (1995, 121–122, 124–125, 139, 197).

  38. 38.

    Note that in discussion of common and proper law Althusius tends to use law (lex) and (jus) interchangeably. See Carney’s footnote 28 in Politica (1995, 139–140).

  39. 39.

    De Vires and Nitschke (2004, 115) note how Althusius, like Calvin, does not differentiate between the natural and divine law. Althusius also employs other terms such as lex moralis and ius gentium as well as aequitas moralis, communis et perpertua lex, jus gentium commune (Koch 2005). In my view these other terms do not create new dimensions discernible from divine and natural law but go under ‘common law.’ According to Witte (2007), the trend to collapse kinds of laws other than proper laws together is particularly clear in Althusius’ latter major legal work Dicaeologicae (1617) where they are treated under ‘natural law.’

  40. 40.

    For the role of Decalogue in politics and social life see also Politica VII, § 7–12; IX, § 21; X, § 3–12; XVIII, § 40–42; XXI, 19–29, 41 (1995, 52–53, 71–72, 79–84, 98, 139–144, 146–148) and particularly the preface to the third edition of Politica (1995, 11–13).

  41. 41.

    See, however, Witte’s (2007) interesting interpretation of Althusius’ ‘demonstrative natural law.’

  42. 42.

    Although, sound worship and fear of God are the ‘cause, origin, and fountain of private and public happiness’ and on the other hand, ‘the contempt of God, and the neglect of divine worship, are the causes of all evil and misfortune’ which indicates that societies of infidels and true believers are not equally good and that the neglect of the needs of the soul (referring now specifically to salvation) can lead to difficulties also for the satisfaction of the needs of the body (Politica XVIII, § 8 (1995, 95)).

  43. 43.

    However, see footnotes 29 and 31, and note that on the other hand consensus and concord also uphold the existence of consociatio and its symbiotic right.

  44. 44.

    See also Politica XXXVIII, § 132) where—in discussion of the effects of tyranny—it is stated that the form of a society is based on a contract: ‘Nam haec facta tyranni, contraria sunt causae finali, ob quam politia & socialis vita haec est constituta, atque formam societatis legitime contractae tollunt’ (1981, 938–939) (my emphasis).

  45. 45.

    See also footnotes 29 and 31.

  46. 46.

    Henreckson (2019, 142) notes that the power that a husband has over his wife, for example, is not natural but due to their being married. In other words, even in marriage power is contractual.

  47. 47.

    See also Eikeme Hommes (1988) who gives a thorough analysis of the relationship of common law and proper law in Althusius’ thought.

  48. 48.

    The formation of the governmental order of the universal consociatio is a complex, and somewhat confusing process. Althusius discusses the agreement (conventio mandati) made in the name of the people to establish magistrates (XVIII § 7 (1981, 178)), the contract (pactum seu contractum mandati), and oath (juramentum) between supreme magistrate and the people (XIX, § 6–9, 23–37; XX in toto (1981, 328–330, 336–343, 380–393)), and finally the religious covenant (pactum religiosum) between God, supreme magistrate, and the people (XXVIII, § 15–19 (1981, 575–580)). To what extent these are fully separate agreements or rather different dimensions of the original agreement or consent (consensus) to establish universal consociatio is unclear (IX, § 3, 7; XVIII, § 10; XIX, § 15 (1981, 167, 279, 332)); see also Witte (2007, 191). However, the logical sequence of the main phases is clear: first an agreement between the members, then between the people and the leader, and finally the covenant with God. Note that some of these contracts are more changeable than others. For example, the covenant with God is rather a take-it-or-leave-it offer by God whereas the other contracts appear more negotiable. However, even in the latter case the content of the negotiable contracts cannot go against common law without risking their validity.

  49. 49.

    Johnson (2015, 64) explains that Aristotle’s notion of constitution ‘may be defined as the distribution of offices among people who share a common conception about distributive justice, or as Aristotle says, among people who share a certain way of life.’

  50. 50.

    However, Aristotle, Politics V.1, 1301 b5–25 (1998, 135) also distinguishes between the complete and partial change of constitution, and it is not entirely clear that a partial change would amount to a change from one polis to another. If it does not, this suggest that even for Aristotle a form of a polis can change, making it thus quite another kind of substance than natural or artificial substances generally are.

  51. 51.

    The people, or the members of the realm, have the power to change, annul, and establish new forms for universal consociatio in certain situations (Politica XIX, § 72, 73; XX, § 20 (1995, 128–129, 134). See also footnote 48.

  52. 52.

    For Althusius the pact between the people and the leader (summus magistratus) determines the extent the leader can administer the sovereign power of the people, but it—or any other covenant—cannot transfer this power completely to the leader. (Politica IX, § 4, 7, 16, 23–27; XIX, § 4, 6–8, 15 (1995, 66–67, 70, 73–74)).

  53. 53.

    E.g. Hansen (2013, 22) treats a polis as a substance, as a combination of politai (matter) and politeia (form).

  54. 54.

    There might be the need for a political decision to pursue the ends of the human being, but there is no genuine possibility of deciding to follow alternative ends. This is verified by Althusius’ (Politica I, § 30 (1981, 9)) definition of the aim of politics which manifest the dual ends human life: ‘The end of politics is the enjoyment of comfortable, useful, and happy life, and of common welfare […] The end is also the conservation human society, which aims at having a life in which it is possible to worship God quietly and without error.’ By comparison, Aristotle seems to think that different poleis can have different conceptions of the good life as their aim (Johnson 2015, 64).

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Ruokanen, J. (2023). The Emergence of Social Life and the Ontology of Consociatio in the Political Theory of Johannes Althusius. In: Pelletier, J., Rode, C. (eds) The Reality of the Social World. Historical-Analytical Studies on Nature, Mind and Action, vol 12. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23984-7_6

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