Abstract
Since the 1980s, local self-organization and local self-governance are seen as the core elements for autonomously organized rural transformation. Against this background, it is surprising that both elements hardly have been analysed together. Neither have local councillors as formally, the key actors of local democracy, gained particular research interest. We will tackle this research gap drawing on the institutional arrangement in rural Ghana and examine the multiple entanglements of self-governance and self-organization through the prism of rural councillors. Their interfaces with state, external, and self-organized local actors unearth the mutual instrumentalization and legitimation of local self-organization, the state, and outside entities. We can hardly delineate the individual agency of these actors. On the one hand, the councillors have a relatively weak political influence over the local administration. On the other hand, their formal political roles and social relations offer them the chance to act as brokers for external development actors. The councillors’ brokerage remains vital for both self-help groups and the local administration, despite occurring in the twilight of local autonomy and state control.
This chapter is based on the research project “‘In the shadows of autonomy’: Decentralization, municipal decision-makers and local contexts in Ghana and Rwanda” (NE640/9-1) funded by the German Research Foundation (DFG).
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Notes
- 1.
Interestingly, an older critical study by Thomas and Thomas-Slayter (1985) has recently been republished.
- 2.
One early exception is Illy et al. (1988).
- 3.
The geographic precinct under the council’s political control. Three types of districts by population size are metropolitan, municipal, and ordinary districts.
- 4.
Fieldwork trips to several villages using motorbikes amid rainfall and non-motorable roads bear this out.
- 5.
Councillor, Wa East, 20.09.2018.
- 6.
Based on self-reporting, councillors’ own monthly income is ca. US$ 300 compared with the official monthly per capita rural income of US$ 60 (GSS, 2014: 150). This puts them among the highest income group in rural settings. Councillors’ annual emolument of ca. US$ 60 paid by the district council is roughly estimated at <20 % of their income.
- 7.
Of the 78 councillors interviewed, a large majority (79.5%) explicitly hoped to continue as councillors.
- 8.
The setting might even be more complicated. We learn from Beck (2008) that national and outside elites could instrumentalize local brokers as their clients.
- 9.
We are well aware that, especially in Ghana, the neo-traditional chiefs may have considerable influence at the local and even at the regional level with regard to land use and customary law. They also act as patrons and may act as brokers. This is the topic of an ongoing discussion (Logan, 2009; Lund, 2006; Odotei & Awedoba, 2006; Sabbi, 2018; Tieleman & Uitermark, 2019; Tonah & Amanzoya, 2016; Ubink, 2008; Valsecchi, 2008). We focus on the perspective and role of the local councillors.
- 10.
Councillor, Wa 19.09.2018.
- 11.
A local reference to animals in the forest hunted for consumption.
- 12.
Councillor, Jaman South, 27.08.2017.
- 13.
Councillor, Nkwanta South, 12.10.2017.
- 14.
Councillors’ formal role as the mouthpiece for their community’s elders may suggest a form of brokerage (lobbying). However, we do not follow this line of argument. To better understand this, one needs to consider that the appointed mayors report to the central government.
- 15.
Councillor, New Juaben, 10.08.2018.
- 16.
Councillor, Jaman South, 07.09.2018.
- 17.
Councillor, New Juaben, 10.08.2018.
- 18.
We are mindful that the “no-party” local politics limits the chance for a clear patron-client relation to MPs. But MPs and councillors jointly pursue development goals in their constituency.
- 19.
Since Ghanaian officials prioritize farmer associations by organizational attributes, the associations react strategically by developing a membership register and financial plans to seem credible.
- 20.
Councillor, Jaman South, 23.08.2017.
- 21.
Councillor, Cape Coast, 30.08.2018.
- 22.
Councillor, Jaman South, 28.08.2017.
- 23.
Volunteers serve in the US’s technical cooperation programmes and mostly focus on rural agriculture.
- 24.
Councillor, Jaman South, 28.08.2017.
- 25.
Councillor, Jaman South, 27.08.2017.
- 26.
Councillor, Jaman South, 28.08.2017.
- 27.
Councillor, Wa East, 18.09.2018.
- 28.
Councillor, Tamale, 15.09.2018
- 29.
Councillor, Wa East, 18.09.2018.
- 30.
Councillor, Jaman South, 28.08.2017.
- 31.
Evans et al. (2015) discuss the lucrative deals in cross-border districts.
- 32.
Councillor, Jaman South, 28.08.2017.
- 33.
This concept builds on a local savings practice (Susu), by which members contribute and claim the accumulated funds on a rotating basis.
- 34.
In the 2002 local government elections, for example, there were 13,590 candidates for the 4584 district council seats across Ghana. While that is approximately three candidates per seat, candidates for 301 seats were elected unopposed (see Ayee, 2003: 24). Remarkably, the second-tier unit committees attracted only 5619 candidates for the 15,386 available seats (CODEO, 2015: 14).
- 35.
- 36.
Councillor, Wa East, 21.09.2017.
- 37.
Councillor, Wa East, 20.09.2017.
- 38.
Because of “no-party” competition at the local level, councillors cannot (openly) use political party brokerage to link rural communities with national decision-makers (cf. Beck, 2008). Instead, more localized and personalized brokerage strategies seem to apply.
- 39.
Because of the importance of individual affluence, there are no hints that the role of a local councillor can be inherited.
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Sabbi, M., Stroh, A., Neubert, D. (2022). Paradoxes of Local Self-governance: Legitimation Strategies of Rural Councillors Under National and Global Influences in Africa. In: Neubert, D., Lauth, HJ., Mohamad-Klotzbach, C. (eds) Local Self-Governance and Varieties of Statehood. Contributions to Political Science. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-14996-2_3
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