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Newton as Theologian, Artisan, and Chamber-Fellow: Some New Documents

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Abstract

This chapter presents a new source relating to the activity of Isaac Newton in the late 1670s and 1680s: three letters sent by Newton to his Trinity chamber-fellow, John Wickins, which deal with topics such as the making of telescopes and reading about the history of the early church. The chapter places the letters in context, demonstrating Newton’s engagement with the London instrument trade and with newly acquired books in the library of Trinity College. It also sheds light on the previously mysterious character of Wickins and his activities.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Iliffe 2017. Feingold 2019. Levitin and Mandelbrote 2019. We would like to thank Mark James, Anke Timmermann, and Jill Whitelock for their help with the Wickins notebook. We are very grateful to Nicolas Bell, Jim Bennett, Gloria Clifton, Bill Newman, and Anna Marie Roos for prompt and helpful replies to queries that we raised.

  2. 2.

    Westfall 1980, 342.

  3. 3.

    Printed in Levitin and Mandelbrote 2019, 375–94.

  4. 4.

    Henry More to John Sharp, 16 August 1680, in Nicolson and Hutton 1992, 479; also More 1680; the location of the copy given by More to Newton is unknown but the book was advertised in February 1680 (Arber 1903–6, vol. 1, 380).

  5. 5.

    Levitin and Mandelbrote 2019, 338–69. We shall not say anything here on the sermons which Newton was statutorily obliged to preach, reserving further discussion of them for another occasion.

  6. 6.

    The story is told in the letter from Nicholas Wickins, John’s son, to Robert Smith, now at King’s College, Cambridge, MS Keynes 137 in Iliffe, et al. 2006, vol. 1, 131–33. See also Edleston 1969, xliii. Brewster 1855, vol. 2, 86. Fuller details of the movements of Wickins can be reconstructed from the Fellows’ Exit and Redit Book (1662–98) in the archives of Trinity College, Cambridge.

  7. 7.

    Key and Ward 2000, 1159–83; the main source is Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS Rawl. A.351.

  8. 8.

    MS Keynes 137, where Nicholas Wickins mentions ‘four or five Lettrs under Sr. Isaac’s own hand very short, & relating to Dividends & Chamber Rent wch he was so kind as to receive for my Father when at Monmouth where he was most part of ye time he continu’d Fellow’. For evidence of Newton’s receipt of dividends for Wickins, see also Edleston 1969, lxxxiii.

  9. 9.

    Shapiro 1992, 181–227. More detailed identification of the paper should be possible in the near future, once it has received appropriate conservation.

  10. 10.

    MS Keynes 137.

  11. 11.

    To establish this, we have relied on The National Archives, Kew, PROB/11/575/167 (will of John Wickins), PROB/11/1152/265 (will of Thomas Wickins, dated 1780; probate granted in 1800, presumably after the death of his wife, Martha); Blakiston and Spencer 2004. At least one other manuscript from the library of Wickins survives, although it is not in his hand: British Library, London, MS Harley 952: it was lent from the rectory at Stoke Edith to Robert Harley and never returned.

  12. 12.

    Wilson 1880, 81–2. Wilson’s account of obtaining the notebook is as follows: ‘The “small book” here referred to has been recently placed in my hands by Capt. Verney, R.N., of Rhianva, in whose library it was found’. See also the manuscript ‘Catalogue of Books, Rhianva Anglesey’ (1880/1895) [private collection, access kindly provided by Bonhams]. We are deeply grateful to Anke Timmermann for her extensive help with these sources.

  13. 13.

    The anti-Jesuit ‘printed... sheet or two’ is referred to by Newton in a letter to Hooke, 18 December 1677, see Turnbull et al. 1959–77, vol. 2, 239. For a full account, see Hall 1961, esp. 52–3; also Cohen 1958; Shapiro 1984–2021, vol. 2, 1–5.

  14. 14.

    Newton sent another copy of both papers to Henry Oldenburg at the Royal Society in December 1675, in the context of his plans to print a reply to his critics and in the middle of his dispute with Francis Hall (Linus) of Liège and his pupil, John Gascoines. Turnbull, et al. 1959–77, vol. 1, 356–95; Cambridge University Library, MS Add. 3970, fols 549–67, 573–81. Confirmation that these drafts (which are in the hand of the writer of the Wickins notebook) do represent the handwriting of John Wickins was provided by Newton himself in a letter to Edmond Halley of 27 July 1686 (Turnbull et al. 1959–77, vol. 2, 446–8): ‘Yesterday I unexpectedly struck upon a copy of ye Letter I told you of to Hugenius. Tis in ye hand of Mr John Wickins who was then my chamber fellow & is now Parson of Stoak Edith neare Monmoth & so it is authentick.’ The relevant letter (Turnbull et al. 1959–77, vol. 1, 290–7: 23 June 1673) is copied at MS Add. 3970, fols 571–2, in an identical hand.

  15. 15.

    We therefore here have another data point for this traumatic event, to add to those collected in Westfall 1980, 277, n. 119. Newton may have been underplaying the extent of the fire to a man who presumably also retained possessions in the room where it occurred.

  16. 16.

    Lucas to Newton, 4 March 1678, Turnbull, et al. 1959–77, vol. 2, 251–2.

  17. 17.

    Westfall 1980, 279, and more fully Westfall 1966, 299–314. There is a small possibility that Newton was referring to another letter to Lucas, perhaps sent via Hooke on 18 May (Turnbull, et al. 1959–77, vol. 2, 264). Westfall thought that Newton wrote no such letter (‘he probably did not answer [Lucas]’: Westfall 1980, 279).

  18. 18.

    The Fellows’ Exit and Redit Book suggests that Wickins was absent from the College for the whole period between 11 January 1678 and 4 January 1679, and so does not help us to date the letter more precisely.

  19. 19.

    Newton to Hooke, 28 November 1678, Turnbull, et al. 1959–77, vol. 2, 300–304, at 303.

  20. 20.

    Turnbull et al. 1959–77, vol. 2, 304, n. 7; the Memorandum is at Turnbull, et al. 1959–77, vol.1, 272–4.

  21. 21.

    See Simpson 1989, 33–61, at 47–8, which supplements Taylor 1970, 248; see also Clifton 1995, 59–60. Although in contemporary documents he sometimes appears as ‘Cocks’ or ‘Cox’, for the sake of elegance, we shall henceforth refer to him simply as Cock.

  22. 22.

    Hooke met frequently with Cock in 1678. He resolved ‘to perfect telescopes by refraction and Reflection’ on 30 January 1678. He was later in frequent contact with Cock about a new way of polishing ‘concave glasses’ (as well as about convex lenses for spectacles): see Hooke 1935, 339–40, 343, 349, 351, 365, 367, 384, 417, 421.

  23. 23.

    Simpson 1981, 236.

  24. 24.

    ‘Memoranda by David Gregory’, 16 May 1694, printed in Turnbull et al. vol. 3, 355. See also n. 26 below.

  25. 25.

    See e.g. the report of the Royal Society meeting of 5 February 1680, printed in Gunter 1930, 542.

  26. 26.

    Newton to Oldenburg, 16 March 1672, in Turnbull et al., vol. 1, 121 (not naming Wickins by name); and n. 24 above.

  27. 27.

    Taylor 1970, 224. For a full account of the Reeve lens-making dynasty, see Simpson 1985.

  28. 28.

    Minutes of the Spectaclemakers’ Company, London, Guildhall Library MS 5213/1. The minutes also reveal that Cooper became free of the Company in 1677. We are deeply grateful to Gloria Clifton for sharing this information about John Cooper. To rule out one other tempting possibility: Cooper certainly cannot be William Cooper the auctioneer, bookseller, and chymist (known to both Hooke and Newton), who died in 1688.

  29. 29.

    Simpson 1981, 269.

  30. 30.

    See the near-contemporary evidence to this effect in Whipple 1951, 67. Once again, we are grateful to Gloria Clifton for her assistance on this matter, and also to Jim Bennett for further comments and suggestions.

  31. 31.

    Newton 1704, 76; cf. Shapiro 1984–2021, vol. 2, 91–3.

  32. 32.

    Newton 1704, 77–8.

  33. 33.

    Newman 2019, 350. For Newton’s interest in lead ores in the 1670s, see also Roos 2010.

  34. 34.

    Turnbull et al., 1959–77, vol. 1, 82; CUL MS Add. 3973, fol. 51r: ‘Ex cupro sic purgato componi potest metallum cum Arsenico et & <sic> Stanno ut supra: sed compositio habebitur fortiùs reflectens & (quantum conjicio) magis resistens ærugini si omisso Arsenico injiciatur ad duodecim partes Cupri liquefacti primo una pars Zincti seu Marchasitae albae & una pars Reguli Antimonij <per se sine ♂te facti> deinde quatuor partes stanni ut supra. Signum optimæ compositionis est ut metallum, instar vitri, læve appareat ubi frangitur’. The translation is that of the Chymistry of Isaac Newton project: https://webapp1.dlib.indiana.edu/newton/mss/dipl/ALCH00109/. See also Newman 2019, 282–91.

  35. 35.

    Royal Society, Hooke Folio, p. 421.

  36. 36.

    Newman 2019, 348–50.

  37. 37.

    Cambridge University Library, MS Add. 697, pp. 8–14; Ward Library, Peterhouse, Cambridge, MS Beaumont 3, fols 70r–76r; MS Beaumont 38, pp. 38–40. The titles are ‘Christi Passio est salutifera per modum Satisfactionis’; ‘Baptismus per aspersionem valet’.

  38. 38.

    E.g. National Library of Israel, Jerusalem, MS Yahuda 1.4, fol. 66r. Newton may well have been led to Salvian’s work by references to it in Cesare Baronio’s famous Annales (see e.g. fol. 65v in the same MS).

  39. 39.

    For details regarding the books mentioned in the letters, see the appendix below.

  40. 40.

    Newton’s copy of Irenaeus is now Trinity College, Cambridge, shelfmark NQ.18.10. His gift is recorded in the library donors’ book: MS Add. a. 106, fol. 13v. Further details of the other books are given in the appendix. See also Mandelbrote 2006, 278–80.

  41. 41.

    Levitin and Mandelbrote 2019.

  42. 42.

    The Critici sacri was sold initially at £13.10s., see The case of Cornelius Bee 1666. 1300 copies burned in the Great Fire.

  43. 43.

    For historical theology in the English ‘public sphere’ in the decades around 1700, see most recently Pfeffer 2000.

  44. 44.

    Maimonides: NQ.10.124; Chrysostom: NQ.17.16, purchased for 5s. 6d.. The latter, which has been annotated by several earlier readers, includes a Latin note by Newton, on the rear pastedown of the book, concerning the manuscript evidence for and authorship of Chrysostom’s homilies based on the contents of what is now Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris, MS Coislin 79. It contains (pp. 757–976) the pseudonymous ‘Opus imperfectum’, whose authorship Erasmus had questioned, and which exhibits signs of an Arian Christology. Newton marked several passages with dog-ears. See also Harrison 1978, 186 (H1018) and 118 (H377).

  45. 45.

    For More’s knowledge of Knorr’s work on Revelation, see Nicholson and Hutton 1992, 330–3; see also Zeller 2011, 107–31. Garrett was admitted pensioner in 1660, BA 1664, MA 1668, Fellow 1667. He was ordained in the diocese of Peterborough in 1668. In Garrett 1680, he identified the Pope as Antichrist. For a summary of his many later writings on this theme, see Johnston 2011, 197.

  46. 46.

    See Hamilton 2004.

  47. 47.

    E.g., for Sheringham, ‘Prophesies concerning Christs 2d coming’, James White Library, Andrews University, Berrien Springs, Michigan, USA, MS ASC Ms. N47 HER, p. 33; National Library of Israel, MS Yahuda 13.2, fols 19–22, and elsewhere; for Garrett, NLI, MS Yahuda 10a.

  48. 48.

    Newton to Hooke, 28 Nov 1679, Turnbull et al. 1959–77, vol. 2, 300.

  49. 49.

    Levitin and Mandelbrote 2019. This material will be expanded in our forthcoming The religious awakening of Isaac Newton.

  50. 50.

    The complexity of dating Newton’s theological manuscripts is not the subject here. Suffice it to say that all dates are conjectural and that cross-referencing to materials used by Newton provides one of the most secure forms of dating. References in manuscripts do not always imply first-hand knowledge of sources, as indicated below, and some comparison is also given below to manuscripts which may be later but which do display first-hand knowledge. With regard to books in Newton’s possession, evidence comes from the contents of his library at the time of his death. Newton did not normally date accessions, although there is reason to believe that several of the books mentioned here were in his possession by 1682. Discussion of the contents of the library of Trinity College is based primarily on manuscript catalogues of the library made in or shortly after 1670 and maintained for some years afterwards: they were prepared in the context of the planning and eventual building (under the direction of Christopher Wren from 1676) of a new library at the College, to which Newton referred in the second of these letters.

  51. 51.

    Harrison 1978, 170: H868 (now NQ.18.25); Feingold 1990, 333–72, numbers 550–51; Gaskell 1980, 152; Trinity College, Cambridge, MS Add. a. 101, p. 24; MS Add. a. 101A, fol. 5r; King’s College, MSS Keynes 2 (part 2) and 4; compare NLI, MS Yahuda 14 (where the references are in part from about 1690).

  52. 52.

    Harrison 1978, 167: H839 (now NQ.18.10); Feingold 1990, number 528; Gaskell, 1980, 151; Trinity College, Cambridge, MS Add. a. 101, p. 24; MS Add. a. 101A, fol. 5r; King’s College, MSS Keynes 2 (part 2) and 4.

  53. 53.

    Harrison 1978, 206: H1209 (now NQ.10.39); Feingold 1990, number 689; Trinity College, Cambridge, shelfmark E.14.5; MS Add. a. 101, p. 25; MS Add. a. 101A, fol. 6r; King’s College, MSS Keynes 2 (part 2) and 4; NLI, MS Yahuda 28b. It has been suggested that books whose price Newton recorded appear largely to be purchases of the late 1670s and early 1680s: see Mandelbrote 2006, 279–80.

  54. 54.

    Harrison 1978, 120: H339 (location not known); Feingold 1990, number 263; Trinity College, Cambridge, MS Add. a. 101, p. 24; MS Add. a. 101A, fol. 5r; King’s College, MSS Keynes 2 (part 2) and 4.

  55. 55.

    Harrison 1978, 248: H1605 (NQ.11.17); Feingold 1990, 151; Trinity College, Cambridge, MS Add. a. 101, p. 27 (‘per Froben’, added to a list just above another added entry for a book published in 1673); MS Add. a. 101A, fol. 6v (‘Tertullianus per B. Rhenanu[m]’ added to the end of a list); King’s College, MSS Keynes 2 and 4; compare NLI, MS Yahuda 15 (where the references probably date from well after 1700).

  56. 56.

    Harrison 1978, 128: H474-5 (unlocated and NQ.18.1); Feingold 1990, number 295; Trinity College, Cambridge, shelfmark E.3.26; MS Add. a. 101, p. 27 (‘cum Rigaltio’, ‘vet. edit.’); MS Add. a. 101A, fol. 6v; King’s College, MS Keynes 2; compare NLI, MS Yahuda 14.

  57. 57.

    Newton’s description appears to refer to the bilingual edition with textual commentary that Ussher published (Ussher 1647); Trinity owned the study of the text that Ussher had published at Oxford (1644) [shelfmark E.14.11]: MS Add. a. 104, fol. 12v. King’s College, MS Keynes 2; compare the extensive discussion of the text in NLI, MS Yahuda 14, which does not necessarily depend, however, on Ussher’s work.

  58. 58.

    Harrison 1978, 140: H589-90 (NQ.16.167 and unlocated); Feingold, ‘Barrow’s library’, number 378; Gaskell 1980, 189; Trinity College, Cambridge, MS Add. a. 101, p. 24 (Valesius added at end); MS Add. a. 101A, fol. 5r (without Valesius); references to Eusebius pervade Newton’s manuscripts but explicit reference to the comments of Valesius are found principally in NLI, MSS Yahuda 14 and 19. For the suggestion that books whose price Newton recorded appear largely to be purchases of the late 1670s and early 1680s: see Mandelbrote 2006, 279–80.

  59. 59.

    Harrison 1978, 173: H895 (unlocated); Trinity College, Cambridge, MS a. 101, p. 25; MS Add. a. 101A, fol. 5v; King’s College, MS Keynes 2 (part 1).

  60. 60.

    Harrison 1978, 92: H101 (unlocated); Feingold 1990, number 89; Gaskell 1980, 149; Trinity College, Cambridge, MS Add. a. 101, p. 24; MS Add. a. 101A, fol. 5r; King’s College, MS Keynes 2 (part 2).

  61. 61.

    Harrison 1978, 136: H546 (NQ.11.38–44); Gaskell 1980, 188. It is conceivable, but unlikely, that Newton referred instead to Combefis 1672 which neither he nor Barrow owned, but which Trinity acquired (Trinity College, MS Add. a. 101, p. 25).

  62. 62.

    Feingold 1990, number 814; Trinity College, shelfmarks E.7.23-4; C.37.18; but compare Trinity College, Cambridge, MS Add. a. 101; MS Add. a. 101A; MS Add. a. 104; King’s College, MS Keynes 2 (part 1); NLI, MSS Yahuda 9.3; Yahuda 10c; Yahuda 14 (where the references appear to come via the Annales of Baronio, as they also do in Yahuda 1.4).

  63. 63.

    Harrison 1978, 120: H399, bound with an edition of the epistles of Barnabas (see below) (unlocated); Feingold 1990, number 264; Trinity College, shelfmark C.36.14; MS Keynes 4.

  64. 64.

    Harrison 1978, 94: H118 (unlocated); Trinity College, MS Add. a. 104, fol. 12v (a recent addition to a catalogue prepared after 1670); see also the references to Newton’s use of the Ignatian epistles above.

  65. 65.

    Harrison 1978, 138: H568–9 (unlocated and NQ.7.51-2); Feingold 1990, numbers 361–2.

  66. 66.

    Trinity College, shelfmarks D.6.6.–14; MS Add. a. 101, p. 63; MS Add. a. 101A, fol. 25v (additions to the catalogue).

  67. 67.

    Poole 1676; Trinity College, MS Add. a. 104, fol. 18v.

  68. 68.

    Feingold 1990, numbers 533–4; Gaskell 1980, 8, 188, 191; MS Add. a. 101. p. 27; MS Add. a. 101A, fol. 6v; King’s College, MS Keynes 2 (part 2); NLI, MS Yahuda 2.5b.

  69. 69.

    For example, Gaskell 1980, p. 191; Trinity College, MS Add. a. 101, p. 24; MS Add.a. 101A, fol. 5v; MS Add. a. 104, fol. 6r; King’s College, MS Keynes 2 (part 2).

  70. 70.

    Harrison 1978, 186: H1018 (NQ.10.124); NLI, MS Yahuda 13.2, fols 1–19 (partially in the hand of an amanuensis); see also Morrison 2011.

  71. 71.

    Feingold 1990, number 936. Trinity College, shelfmark F.1.78; cf. MS Add. a. 104, e.g. fols 14v or 21v; NLI, MS Yahuda 13.2, fols 19–22. The books from Duport’s legacy were not initially shelved with the rest of Trinity’s books, since the existing College library lacked the space to house them; Newton had access to them even before they were catalogued: Gaskell 1980, 141.

  72. 72.

    Trinity College, shelfmark D.42.41, probably acquired around 1900; NLI, MS Yahuda 10a.

  73. 73.

    (See also Bibliography of Books mentioned in the Wickins-Newton correspondence in Appendix).

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Appendix

Appendix

Appendix, giving the authors mentioned in the correspondence and their books, listed in the order in which they appear in the letters, and with comments on their accessibility for Newton before 1682 and his early use of them (based on citation or reference in manuscripts that were written in whole or in part before Newton’s theological interests expanded and changed in the mid-late 1680s).Footnote 50

  • Justin Martyr’: Newton later owned the 1686 Cologne reprint of the edition in Greek and Latin of Justin’s works prepared by Friedrich Sylburg (first published at Heidelberg in 1593); Barrow, the dispersal of whose library Newton superintended in 1677, owned the 1593 edition and a Latin edition edited by Joachim Périon and published at Paris in 1544; Trinity almost certainly owned Robert Estienne’s 1551 edition in Greek and may also have owned the 1636 Paris reprint of Sylburg’s edition. MS Keynes 2 (sometimes called Newton’s theological notebook, and begun by the early 1680s) contains numerous references to Justin based on citations from English theological literature that Newton probably read in about 1684. There are also references to Justin in his reading of Denis Petau (Petavius), Opus de theologicis dogmatibus.Footnote 51

  • ‘Irenæus’: Newton owned the 1675 edition of Adversus… hæreses based on the work of Jacques de Billy, Fronton du Duc, and François Feuardent (see above), which he also gave to Trinity in December 1675; Barrow owned the edition by Nicolas des Gallars published at Geneva and Paris in 1570; Trinity owned the Basel edition of 1548, edited by Erasmus, and the edition edited by Gallars. Newton’s theological notebook contains numerous references to Irenaeus based on citations from English theological literature that Newton probably read in about 1684. There are also references in his reading of Denis Petau (Petavius), Opus de theologicis dogmatibus.Footnote 52

  • ‘Origen against Celsus’: Newton owned William Spencer’s edition of this work in Latin and Greek published at Cambridge in 1658, for which he paid 12s. (the date of purchase is not known for certain, but was probably around 1680) and in which he copied out Jerome’s positive assessment of Origen’s value as an interpreter of Scripture; Barrow owned the Latin Opera published at Basel in 1536 and edited by Erasmus; Trinity owned the 1605 Augsburg edition of the Contra Celsum edited by David Hoeschel, and acquired Spencer’s edition also. Newton’s theological notebook contains occasional references to the Contra Celsum based on citations from English theological literature that Newton probably read in about 1684. There are also references in his reading of Denis Petau (Petavius), Opus de theologicis dogmatibus, and elsewhere in his theological notes.Footnote 53

  • ‘Clemens Alexandrinus’: Newton at some stage owned Sylburg’s Greek and Latin edition of the Opera, reprinted at Paris in 1641; Barrow owned the Florentine edition of 1550, edited by Pietro Vettori; Trinity owned none of these books in 1600 but owned Sylburg’s edition by the 1670s. Newton’s theological notebook contains occasional references to Clement of Alexandria based on citations from English theological literature that Newton probably read in about 1684. There are also references in his reading of Denis Petau (Petavius), Opus de theologicis dogmatibus.Footnote 54

  • Tertullian’: Newton eventually owned the edition of the Opera by Nicolas Rigault, published at Paris in 1634; Barrow owned both that edition and that of Franciscus Junius based on the work of Beatus Rhenanus published at Franeker in 1597; Trinity owned numerous editions of particular works by Tertullian, including the Adversus nationes edited by Rigault (1641) and acquired a Froben printing of Beatus Rhenanus’s edition (first published in 1521) possibly in the 1670s: Newton singled out the Basel edition for praise. Frequent references to Tertullian in Newton’s theological notebook and elsewhere do not, however, suggest citation from the 1634 edition (which is used by Newton in later manuscripts); instead they indicate citation from Petavius and other intermediate sources (in some cases, using the Basel edition).Footnote 55

  • Cyprian’: Newton at some stage owned Rigault’s edition of the Opera, published at Paris in 1648, and also acquired the edition edited by John Fell and published in 1682 at Oxford; Barrow owned the 1574 Parisian edition edited by Jacobus Pamelius; Trinity may have owned the Basel edition of 1525 edited by Erasmus, singled out by Newton, but certainly owned that of Rigault. References to Cyprian in Newton’s theological notebook derive from intermediate sources.Footnote 56

  • ‘Usher’s Edition of Ignatius’s Epistles. Londini 1647’: Newton did not own this book at the time of his death; Barrow also did not own it; as described by Newton, it was not available at Trinity. References in Newton’s theological notebook to Ignatius derive from intermediate sources.Footnote 57

  • ‘Eusebius’s History’: Newton owned an edition by Geoffroy Boussard published at Paris in 1525 (for which he paid 6d.). At some stage, he acquired the three-volume edition produced by Henri de Valois (Valesius) and published at Paris in 1678: this included texts by Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret. Barrow owned a bi-lingual, Latin and Greek, edition published at Paris in 1544 by Robert Estienne, which also provided all of those texts. That edition was also available at Trinity, as were the version by François Viger and, as a recent accession, the edition of Valesius.Footnote 58

  • ‘Bibl. Gr. Patr.’: Newton owned three volumes of the fourth edition of Marguerin de la Bigne’s compilation of the Greek and Latin fathers (first published at Paris in 1575); Barrow did not own this work; Trinity may have owned various volumes from the second and fourth editions. Newton referred to it explicitly in a chronological list of writers on ecclesiastical history in his theological notebook.Footnote 59

  • ‘Augustine De Civitate Dei’: Newton eventually owned Erasmus’s edition of Augustine’s works, as printed at Paris in 1531–2, published in ten volumes and bound in five; Barrow also owned this edition; Trinity owned the same edition as published at Basel in 1528–9, and also Plantin’s edition. References to De civitate dei appear in Newton’s theological notebook.Footnote 60

  • Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret: see above, ‘Eusebius’s History.’

  • ‘Historia Magdeburgensis’: Newton owned a set bound in seven volumes of the work of the Magdeburg Centuriators, published at Basel between 1560 and 1574, for which he paid the substantial price of £2.15s and which shows heavy signs of use; Barrow did not own a copy; Trinity owned the same edition as Newton.Footnote 61

  • ‘Salvian de Providentia Dei’: Newton did not own either this book (which had been edited by Pietro Galesini and published in Rome in 1564) or the works of Salvian (which had been edited by Conrad Ritterhusius and later by Étienne Baluze). Barrow owned Baluze’s edition, published at Paris in 1664. Copies of the Opera edited by Ritterhusius and of an Oxford (1633) edition of De gubernatione dei eventually entered the library at Trinity but do not appear to have been there in 1682. Salvian featured in the chronological list of authors on ecclesiastical history in Newton’s theological notebook and citations occurred frequently in Newton’s theological writings, although these were not necessarily based on a reading of the original text.Footnote 62

  • ‘Epistles of Clemens’: Newton eventually owned the bilingual Greek and Latin edition of the epistles of Clement of Rome that Patrick Young had edited from Codex Alexandrinus and published at Oxford in 1633; Barrow also owned it. Trinity did not yet own it, although it did own other works by Clement. Newton may also have encountered the text through references in the work of Petavius.Footnote 63

  • ‘Barnabas and Ignatius… Vossius’s Edition’: Newton eventually owned a bilingual Greek and Latin edition of the letters of Barnabas prepared by Hugues Menard and published at Paris in 1645, bound (as often) with Young’s edition of the Clementine epistles. He did not own Isaac Vossius’s edition (Amsterdam, 1646), based principally on a manuscript from the Laurentiana in Florence, of the epistles of Ignatius and Barnabas. Barrow did not own either edition. Trinity owned Vossius’s edition.Footnote 64

  • ‘Erasmus’s Paraphrase on the New Testament’: Newton owned an early copy of this work, originally published in English from 1548, as well as an up-to-date edition in Latin (Hannover, 1668); Barrow owned two editions in Latin (Basel and Paris, both 1540). Trinity owned no copy in around 1670 but acquired a number of editions subsequently. Newton referred frequently to Erasmus’s textual work on the New Testament in manuscripts that can be dated to around 1690, but does not seem to have made much direct reference to the Paraphrases.Footnote 65

  • ‘the Criticks’: Newton did not own a copy of Critici sacri (see above), nor did Barrow. Trinity had recently acquired it.Footnote 66

  • ‘Pool’s Synopsis’: Newton did not own a copy of this alternative compilation of authorities on Scripture edited by Matthew Poole and published in four volumes which appeared by subscription (15s. each for volumes 1–3 and 20s. for volume 4) between 1669 and 1676. Barrow also did not own it. Trinity acquired it, probably after 1676.Footnote 67

  • ‘Jerome’: Newton did not own a copy of the works of Jerome. Barrow owned the Plantin edition of Jerome’s Opera (nine volumes bound in three), published at Antwerp in 1578–9 and an edition of his letters (Salamanca, 1572). Trinity owned numerous works by Jerome. Newton referred repeatedly to Jerome, but appears frequently to have relied on the edition given in the Bibliothecae veterum patrum or citations from the Annals of Baronio.Footnote 68

  • ‘Chrysostom’ (and ‘Opus imperfectum’): for Newton, see above, note 44; Barrow did not own Chrysostom in any form; Trinity owned several editions of all or part of his works (including the famous Eton edition superintended by Henry Savile). Newton referred frequently to Chrysostom’s homilies on Scripture, including those on the Gospel of Matthew.Footnote 69

  • ‘Maimonides De cultu Dei’: Newton eventually owned this Latin translation from book eight of the Mishneh Torah of Maimonides by Louis de Compiègne de Veïl, printed at Paris in 1678, as well as other editions of Maimonides. Barrow owned no works of Maimonides. Trinity did not own de Veïl’s edition. The account of the worship of the Temple in Maimonides had direct relevance for Newton’s later efforts to describe Jewish cultic practice. Although De Veïl’s translation was not the only relevant source that he used, Newton made extensive notes drawn from it.Footnote 70

  • ‘Joma’: Newton did not own Robert Sheringham’s edition of this important Talmudic tractate, which concerns sacrifice in the Temple at Yom Kippur, and which was widely consulted by contemporary students of ancient Judaism. Sheringham’s work was originally published in London in 1648. Barrow seems not to have owned it (although he did own an unidentifiable Talmudic tractate). Although Trinity acquired extensive additions to its collections of Hebraica during the 1670s, it does not seem to have owned this book before receiving it as a legacy from James Duport (d. 1679). Newton made extensive notes from Sheringham’s work.Footnote 71

  • ‘Peganius on ye Apocalyps’: See above. Newton did not own the Genuine explication of the visions of the Book of Revelation, which Henry Oldenburg had translated from the German (Eigentliche Erklärung über die Gesichter der Offenbarung S. Johannis ([Amsterdam], 1670)) of Christian Knorr von Rosenroth (concealed under the pseudonym ‘A.B. Peganius’) and published in London in about 1670. Barrow also did not own it and there was no copy in Trinity.

  • ‘Garret on the Apocalyps’. See above. Newton did not own Walter Garrett’s Discourse concerning Antichrist (London, 1680), and Trinity did not acquire its copy until much later. Newton undoubtedly read it, however, since he made notes both about its conclusions, including its identification of the Holy Roman Empire with the image of the beast of Revelation, and concerning patristic, biblical, and other sources cited by Garrett.Footnote 72

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Levitin, D., Mandelbrote, S. (2023). Newton as Theologian, Artisan, and Chamber-Fellow: Some New Documents. In: Roos, A.M., Manning, G. (eds) Collected Wisdom of the Early Modern Scholar. Archimedes, vol 64. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-09722-5_12

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