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Neo-Ottoman Intersections: The Politics of Gender in a Transforming Turkey—An Afterword

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Neo-Ottoman Imaginaries in Contemporary Turkey

Part of the book series: Modernity, Memory and Identity in South-East Europe ((MOMEIDSEE))

Abstract

Recognizing the gender lacuna in the study of neo-Ottomanism and the neo-Ottoman lacuna in gender studies in Turkey, in this contribution, I seek to put the two literatures in conversation, attending, in particular, to the interdisciplinary insights offered within this edited volume. Positing neo-Ottomanism as a gendered “site of memory”, I address the questions: What role does gender play in historical and contemporary attempts to construct citizenship and national belonging? In what ways—and who—does neo-Ottoman revivalism, in its many variants, (dis)empower? What are the implications for gender equality, women’s rights, and LGBTQ+ activism? And what do our answers to these questions suggest, in turn, about the evolving intersection of gender and citizenship in nationalist/populist nostalgia projects around the globe?

I am grateful to Kristen Sarah Biehl and Hanna Muehlenhoff for their thoughtful comments on draft versions of this chapter.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    “Strategies and Tools for Mitigating Polarization in Turkey,” https://www.turkuazlab.org/en/home/. Accessed on 27 May 2021.

  2. 2.

    According to data from the advocacy group We Will Stop Femicide, over 2,000 women have been killed due to gender violence, data which echoes law enforcement numbers of 2,500. Notably, the only year in which a dip has been observed was 2011 when Turkey signed the Istanbul Convention (Eski 2020).

  3. 3.

    United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization.

  4. 4.

    The adoption of the Swiss civil code, for instance, was widely touted as emancipatory but, in practice, meant reinscribing the man as primary head of household among other patriarchal practices prevalent in the “West” as well as the “East” during this period (Arat 1994).

  5. 5.

    E.g. Kandiyoti (2010), Parmaksız (2019), Özbay and Öktem (2021).

  6. 6.

    E.g. Eslen-Ziya (2013), Koyuncu and Sumbas (2016), Kardam (2017), Coşar and Gençoğlu Onbaşi (2008).

  7. 7.

    E.g. Korkman (2016), Pearce (2018), Kamasak et al. (2019), Selen (2020), Doan and Atalay (2021).

  8. 8.

    E.g. Parla (2001), Kogacioglu (2004), Ataman (2011), Atuk (2020), Adak (2021).

  9. 9.

    E.g. Bilgic (2015), Kabasakal Arat (2017), Süleymanoğlu-Kürüm and Rumelili (2018), Aksoy (2018), Muehlenhoff (2019), Ataç (2021).

  10. 10.

    E.g. White (2004), Potuoğlu-Cook (2006), Gökarıksel and Secor (2009), Beşpınar (2010), Acar and Altunok (2013), Altan-Olcay (2014), Savcı (2016); Onur in this volume.

  11. 11.

    E.g. Coşar and Onbaşi (2008).

  12. 12.

    E.g. Ozyegin (2010), Eder (2015), Gülçür and İlkkaracan (2016), Biehl and Danış (2020), Kaşka (2020).

  13. 13.

    E.g. Altınay (2004), Dönmez and Özmen (2013), Gökarıksel and Secor (2009), Açıksöz (2019), Alpan (2019), Doğu (2016).

  14. 14.

    E.g. Kancı and Altınay (2007), Gökalp (2010), White (2011), Al-Ali and Tas (2018).

  15. 15.

    E.g. Fisher-Onar and Müfütler-Baç (2011), Mills (2018), Akboğa and Şahin ( 2018), Mutluer (2019), Kaymak, in this volume.

  16. 16.

    E.g. Fisher-Onar and Paker (2012), Simga and Göker (2017), Çağatay (2018), Alemdar et al. (2020), Çelik and Göker (2021).

  17. 17.

    Göcek’s influential work engages with historical sociology, postcolonial critique and gender in both Ottoman and contemporary Turkish context without explicitly gendering the link between Ottoman legacies and today’s gender politics. There is also a flourishing body of historical work on women and gender in the Ottoman empire, including queer approaches (see, e.g., Ze’evi 2006; Altınay 2015; Schick 2018). These works, however, tend to be concerned with Ottoman experiences per se and not the purchase of their memory in post-Ottoman political projects.

  18. 18.

    E.g. Kaygusuz (2018).

  19. 19.

    E.g. Özturk (2021), Lüküslü (2016).

  20. 20.

    Davutoğlu (2001), Murinson (2006).

  21. 21.

    E.g. Rüma (2010), Somun (2011), Fisher-Onar and Watson ( 2013).

  22. 22.

    E.g. Kardaş (2010), Hoffmann and Cemgil (2016).

  23. 23.

    E.g. Tüysüzoğlu (2014), Sengupta (2014), Torbakov (2017), Fisher-Onar (2020).

  24. 24.

    E.g. Ozkan (2010), Bacik and Afacan (2013), Langan (2017), Akca (2019).

  25. 25.

    E.g. Laçiner (2003), Aras (2009).

  26. 26.

    E.g. Ozkan (2014), Dalacoura (2017), Cornell (2018).

  27. 27.

    E.g Fisher-Onar (2009, 2013), Öktem et al. (2012), Danforth (2014), Yanık (2016), Wastnidge (2019), Chovanec and Heilo (2021).

  28. 28.

    E.g. Ergin and Karakaya (2017), Yang Erdem (2017), Hintz (2018).

  29. 29.

    E.g. Al-Ghazzi and Kraidy (2013), Carney (2014), Karanfil and Eğilmez (2017).

  30. 30.

    Fisher-Onar (2012).

  31. 31.

    E.g. Öktem and Akkoyunlu (2016).

  32. 32.

    E.g. Saraçoğlu and Demirkol (2015).

  33. 33.

    The notion of Muslim identity, observant or otherwise, as constitutive of Turkish nationality has been salient throughout republican history as evidenced both by the country’s foundational legal categories (which recognize non-Muslims as “minorities” but not non-Sunni or non-Turkish speaking Muslims), and social usage (which views being a “Türk” as synonymous with being Muslim).

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    Nora Fisher-Onar

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Fisher-Onar, N. (2023). Neo-Ottoman Intersections: The Politics of Gender in a Transforming Turkey—An Afterword. In: Raudvere, C., Onur, P. (eds) Neo-Ottoman Imaginaries in Contemporary Turkey. Modernity, Memory and Identity in South-East Europe. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-08023-4_11

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