Abstract
This chapter provides an analysis of the sociolinguistic representations of dialects and Italian regional varieties as described by adult immigrants who come from different countries. The research is based on 50 interviews which were recorded at the immigrants’ workplaces in the Emily-Romagna region. The theory of social representation offers a new approach for studying the role of dialects and regional varieties in the social integration process and the language learning experience of immigrants in a multilingual country like Italy. The chapter, first of all, analyses the relation of the dialects and regional Italian to the personal “social network” and to the construction of the immigrants’ “social representations”. As a consequence, the current study discusses the hypothesis that first-generation migrant citizens could be considered as “new speakers” who contribute to the preservation and upholding of the linguae minores.
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Notes
- 1.
As the introduction of this book has highlighted, the designation of dialect has mostly no pejorative connotation and is often used by speakers and Italian researchers. Nonetheless, we cannot deny that this term is in opposition to a more noble one, language, as in Italy only a few idioms are officially recognised as languages (for example, the ones from the linguistic minorities defined by the Law 482 from 1999). The European terminology of “minority or regional language” does not seem appropriate to replace the word dialect since the European Charter of Regional or Minority Languages (Council of Europe 1992) “explicitly do not include dialects of the official language(s)” among regional or minority languages, hence overlooking the important distinction between primary versus secondary/tertiary dialect” (Berruto 2018: 497). In addition to this, the Charter does not distinguish between “regional” and “minority” language (Colonna 2020: 93), a distinction which would be without a doubt a very useful (Dall’Aquila and Iannaccaro 2004: 105–107), at least for considerations on the possible application of the concept of regional language to the context of Italian dialects (Berruto 2018: 497), where a well-rooted academic tradition divides, for example, dialects from minority languages (cf. Villa-Perez 2021). Berruto suggests, as we have been pointing out, the terms lingua minor or langue collatérale (Eloy quoted by Berruto 2018: 497).
- 2.
In this contribution, we would use as synonyms lingua minor, dialect, Italo-Romance dialect and local idiom.
- 3.
Moretti (2015: 236) distinguishes four specific cases: a situation of the dominance of the dialect, a situation of the dominance of the standard language, a classic situation of diglossia, a situation where the distribution of languages is less transparent than in a context of classic diglossia.
- 4.
In his works, Milroy (1987) defines social networks as the total set of relations, links, or contacts an individual has with others (for example the family circle, friends, the professional circle, etc.) which influences their language practices.
- 5.
The main research question of our Ph.D. was focused both on the role the knowledge of dialects and representations about Italian sociolinguistic landscape and Italians’ repertoire played in the socialisation practices between immigrants and Italians and more generally in the social integration process.
- 6.
An answer on the Sicilian regional level is given in this volume by Mari D’Agostino who compares the results of two field studies, both made between 2000 and 2018.
- 7.
Translated by the author of this article.
- 8.
Berruto (2018: 497) described “dilalia” as follow: “the concept […] was introduced by Berruto (1987b; 1989a) to capture the cases in which a clear functional differentiation exists (with a High variety and a Low variety), as in (classic) diglossia, but unlike diglossia, there is a functional overlap in spoken domains, with both L and H varieties used in ordinary conversation and primary socialization”.
- 9.
Translated by the author of this article.
- 10.
Translated by the author of this article.
- 11.
We chose not to focus on a specific community to have an idea on integration through the dialects of immigrants coming from several countries and also because of the migratory polycentrism which characterises Italy.
- 12.
Hence a lesser number of women (20 women and 30 men), less present in those business sectors. We will not take into account differences between the use of dialects in Bologna or Forlì which are not significant.
- 13.
To do so, we selected in this contribution some excerpts from interviews with migrants working in the urban commerce sector, men and women, interviewed equally in Bologna and Forlì.
- 14.
Others UNESCO’ factors for the evaluation of the vitality of an endangered language are: trends in existing language domains (4), response to new domains and media (5), materials for language education and literacy (6), governmental and institutional language attitudes and policies including official status and use (7), amount and quality of documentation (9).
- 15.
The transcription conventions are as follows: Abc Participants are identified with the three initial letters of their name; + pause within the turn; ::: phonological elongation; BOLD indicates emphasis or increase in voice volume; [ superimposed utterances; […] deliberate omission of some items; ((xxx)) intervention by the transcriber; Italics highlights expressions or words in Italo-Roman dialects.
- 16.
Translated by the author of this article.
- 17.
Cf. Macrì, Carlo. 2019. Io, professoressa del Sud, tra studenti abituati a comunicare in dialetto. Corriere della Sera, July 17.
- 18.
Social media (Facebook, Instagram, etc.) are a new domain of Italo-Romance dialects which shows their use and vitality.
- 19.
We cannot make hypothesis about the connotation (positive or negative) given by the informant to the term “romanaccio”.
- 20.
From the Renaissance era until the Unity of Italy, the progressive Toscanization of Rome language has taken place because of the presence in the Papal court of the upper classes of Roman society, often not from Latium, and who used Italian and not the dialect. The latter was, on the other hand, the code of the most underprivileged circles. This situation hence explains the pejorative naming of “romanesco” instead of “romano” (D’Achille 2001).
- 21.
This is our underlining.
- 22.
Translated by the author of this article.
- 23.
Translated by the author of this article.
- 24.
Belonging to Legardez and Simonnaux (2006), les “questions socialement vives” are complex questions with three vitality levels: within society, within reference knowledge, and scholarship knowledge.
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Villa-Perez, V. (2022). Immigrants as New Speakers of Italo-Romance Dialects: A Study of Sociolinguistic Representations in the Emilia-Romagna Region. In: Goglia, F., Wolny, M. (eds) Italo-Romance Dialects in the Linguistic Repertoires of Immigrants in Italy. Palgrave Studies in Minority Languages and Communities. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-99368-9_9
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