Abstract
In this chapter, I analyze the case of Imran Khan of Pakistan as an example of a quintessential right-wing nationalist-populist who instrumentalized the discourse of change with an aggressive anti-corruption crusade to rise to power in 2018. I look at the almost three years of the PTI in power which exhibit a linear pattern of populist rule sans power and performance. Tracing the trajectory of populist rise in Pakistan, I also examine the early years of Khan’s politics which neatly fit the profile of a populist with his incessant reliance on an anti-corruption narrative in a quest to challenge the dominance of the two leading parties of Pakistan, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz and the Pakistan Peoples Party. Imran Khan’s ascent to power heralded a process of deepening the authoritarian strains in Pakistan’s politics through military oversight of civilian policy-making, repression of opposition in the framework of corruption–accountability nexus and heavy crackdown on media. Tracing the democratic backsliding, I argue that the absence of credible governance and performance compelled the PTI government to resort to authoritarian measures. I examine the abysmal performance of the Khan government and analyze the first major challenge in the form of the Pakistan Movement for Democracy.
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Notes
- 1.
The electables are professional politicians who cast a dominant shadow over the constituency work at home. They can therefore be considered notables with strong influence on local political economy.
- 2.
Tahir ul-Qadri is a cleric-turned-politician who received widespread domestic and international attention in the post-9/11 period due to his Barelvi background and Sufi leanings. He attempted to join politics through his party PAT and staged two sit-ins in Islamabad in 2013 and 2014 against the PPP and PML-N governments, respectively. However, he failed to make significant inroads and mostly withdrew from politics after the 2018 elections.
- 3.
Since early 2000s, the demand for carving out a new province in southwestern Punjab has gained momentum. South Punjab is home to two competing ethnic movements, the Siraiki and Bahawalpur nationalisms with their respective territorial claims. The mainstream parties of Pakistan, especially the PPP, PML-N and PTI, supported the quest for the territorial reorganization of Punjab in the 2013 and 2018 elections. For details see Asma Faiz, “Building language, building province: Civil society and ethnic nationalism in Pakistan,” Journal of Civil Society, 16 (1), 2021, https://doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2021.1886764, 1–19.
- 4.
In one of the most bizarre incidents, a PML-N candidate from Multan Iqbal Siraj reported harassment by intelligence agency officials who allegedly instructed him to withdraw from the PML-N ticket. The said candidate subsequently withdrew his public complaint and reported it as a visit by officials from the Agriculture Department. This drew sharp criticism and satire from press and social media.
- 5.
For details see Press Statement by the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, July 16, 2018, available at http://hrcp-web.org/hrcpweb/attempts-to-maneuver-polls-unacceptable-hrcp/. Accessed January 17, 2019.
- 6.
DW, “Why are Pakistan’s generals taking up top civilian posts?” May 28, 2020, available at https://www.dw.com/en/why-are-pakistans-generals-taking-uptop-civilian-posts/a-53605774. Accessed February 1, 2021.
- 7.
His usual rhetoric for his mediocre performance in power generally holds previous governments and “corrupt mafia” responsible for their dismal governance record. Khan confessed to realizing that the realities of power are quite different from oppositional politics. “Never come to power without homework, says PM,” Dawn, December 23, 2020.
- 8.
Secunder Kirmani, BBC.Com, July 28, 2019, available at https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-49088653. Accessed April 28, 2020.
- 9.
These developments were mentioned in Twitter conversations as well as being confirmed by the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP). See HRCP statement on media freedoms, December 16, 2019, http://hrcp-web.org/hrcpweb/recent-attacks-against-independent-media-in-pakistan/. Accessed April 28, 2020.
- 10.
Five journalists who highlighted killing of Jamal Khashoggi on the eve of Saudi crown prince’s visit to Pakistan received notices from the cybercrime wing of Federal Instigative Agency (FIA). For details, see “FIA Cyber Crime Wing launches inquiry into ‘social media campaign’ against Saudi Crown Prince,” Dawn, March 28, 2019.
- 11.
Sishant Sareen, “Nawaz Sharif crosses Pakistan Army’s line of control,” October 17, 2020, available at https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/nawaz-sharif-crosses-pakistan-armys-line-of-control/. Accessed January 19, 2021.
- 12.
In some PDM rallies, Nawaz Sharif addressed the gathering via video link from London. His speeches were blacked out from Pakistan’s television channels but widely shared on social media. “Nawaz Sharif blames security establishment for his ouster,” Newsweek, October 17, 2020, available at https://www.newsweekpakistan.com/nawaz-sharif-blames-security-establishment-for-his-ouster/. Accessed January 30, 2021.
- 13.
The NRO refers to the National Reconciliation Ordinance agreed upon between the Musharraf regime and the PPP under Benazir Bhutto. Under the NRO, corruption cases against the PPP leadership were withdrawn. Since assuming power, Khan repeatedly claimed that the PML-N and PPP were blackmailing him to avoid facing corruption cases. “All dacoits are trying to blackmail me to get an NRO, PM Imran Khan,” Global Village Space, January 30, 2021, available at https://www.globalvillagespace.com/all-dacoits-are-trying-to-blackmail-me-to-get-nro-pm-imran-khan/. Accessed February 1, 2021.
- 14.
See https://twitter.com/ImranKhanPTI/status/995562962365616128?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E995562962365616128%7Ctwgr%5E%7Ctwcon%5Es1_&ref_url=https://%3A%2F%2Ftribune.com.pk%2Fstory%2F1868052%2F1-tribune-take-imran-khan-twitter. Accessed January 29, 2021.
- 15.
The filing of sedition charges against Raja Farooq Haider, the chief minister of AJK, drew sharp reactions from various shades of public opinion, declaring it a major embarrassment for Pakistan on the Kashmir issue. The Khan government subsequently distanced itself from these charges and declared it an initiative by a private citizen. See “The sedition label,” Dawn, October 7, 2020.
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Faiz, A. (2022). We Are on the Same Page: The Curious Case of Imran Khan’s Populism in Pakistan. In: Dieckhoff, A., Jaffrelot, C., Massicard, E. (eds) Contemporary Populists in Power. The Sciences Po Series in International Relations and Political Economy. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-84079-2_4
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