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The Japanese New Left, the Vietnam War, and Anti-Imperial Protest

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Protest in the Vietnam War Era

Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements ((PSHSM))

Abstract

Despite years of mass protests, confrontations with police, and even armed resistance to the U.S. war in Vietnam, Japan is rarely included in histories of the “Global 1960s.” Japan experienced major public protest, both in reaction to the violence of the conflict and in solidarity with the Vietnamese, but also because of the Japanese state’s entanglement with US military strategy in Asia. New Left protesters in Japan included a new kind of citizen peace movement as well as radical students calling for revolution. Rather than seeing themselves as isolated, protesters saw themselves as part of a global movement that sought and obtained many international contacts. Among protesters, a general sense of Vietnam as the focal point for a global imperial strategy—as well as the key to defeating that strategy—led many to see Japan not only as a lackey to U.S. imperialism, but a dangerous rising imperialist power as well.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    See Kōji Takazawa, Destiny: The Secret Operations of the Yodogō Exiles, ed. Patricia Steinhoff (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2017), 2, n. 1; quote 16. Following Japanese custom, names in this chapter will be presented with surname first.

  2. 2.

    Takazawa, Destiny, 14–21.

  3. 3.

    See Annette Vowinckel, “Skyjacking: Cultural Memory and the Movies,” in Baader-Meinhof Returns: History and Cultural Memory of German Left-Wing Terrorism, ed. Gerrit-Jan Berendse and Ingo Cornils (Leiden: Brill, 2008), 251. For international media coverage, see “Hijacked Jet Still in Seoul; Ruse Fails: Appeal to Release Passengers Rejected,” New York Times (1 April 1970), 1; Guntram Müller-Jänsch, “Kamikaze-Kämpfer der ‘Roten Armee’,” Süddeutsche Zeitung (2 April 1970), 3.

  4. 4.

    The orientalization of Japanese anti-imperial violence suggests similar “defense mechanisms” employed by the press as Ruth Glynn has identified in Italian newspaper descriptions of female terrorism in the 1970s. Just as the international media fixated on the “Japaneseness” of Sekigun-ha violence, so too did the Italian media fixate on the “femininity” of female terrorists to remove that violence’s social critique. See Ruth Glynn, Women, Terrorism and Trauma in Italian Culture (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013), 42.

  5. 5.

    See William Andrews, Dissenting Japan: A History of Japanese Radicalism and Counterculture, from 1945 to Fukushima (London: Hurst & Company, 2016), 127–130; Patricia G. Steinhoff, “Hijackers, Bombers, and Bank Robbers: Managerial Style in the Japanese Red Army,” The Journal of Asian Studies 48 (1989), 732.

  6. 6.

    Tamiya Takamaro “Shuppatsu sengen” [Declaration of Departure], “Sekigun” dokyumento [“Sekigun” Documents] (Tokyo: Shinsensha, 1975), 98.

  7. 7.

    Ando Takemasa, Japan’s New Left Movements: Legacies for Civil Society (New York: Routledge, 2014), 25.

  8. 8.

    “Sensō sengen” [Declaration of War] (3 September 1969), in “Sekigun” dokyumento, 60.

  9. 9.

    This builds on work done by historians who have recently identified the 1960s in Japan as a field. See Till Knaudt, Von Revolution zu Befreiung: Studentenbewegung, Antiimperialismus und Terrorismus in Japan (1968–1975) (Frankfurt: Campus, 2016). In Japanese, histories of “1968” and personal accounts of the conflict of these years are common and the most important of these works is the multi-volume history of the period by a former participant in the events. See Oguma Eiji, 1968 (Tokyo: Shinyosha, 2009). A major thrust of this literature in English is to situate women within the movements of the 1960s. See Setsu Shigematsu, Scream from the Shadows: The Women’s Liberation Movement in Japan (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2012) and Chelsea Szendi Shieder, “Left Out: Writing Women Back into Japan’s 1968,” in The Global 1960s: Convention, Contest, and Counter Culture, ed. Tamara Chaplin and Jadwiga E. Pieper Mooney (New York: Routledge, 2018), 140–155.

  10. 10.

    For a rare exception among 1960s narratives that includes Japan, see Norbert Frei, 1968: Jugendrevolte und Globaler Protest (München: dtv, 2008). See also Naoko Koda, “Challenging the Empires from Within: The Transpacific Anti-Vietnam War Movement in Japan,” The Sixties 2 (2017): 182–195.

  11. 11.

    Jeremy Prestholdt, “Resurrecting Che: Radicalism, the Transnational Imagination, and the Politics of Heroes,” Journal of Global History 7 (2012), 509.

  12. 12.

    See The Japanese Wartime Empire, 1931–1945, ed. Peter Duus, Ramon H. Myers, and Mark R. Peattie (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996).

  13. 13.

    Thomas Havens, Fire Across the Sea: The Vietnam War and Japan, 1965–1975 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987), 85–87.

  14. 14.

    Avenell argues that it was precisely the defeat of the ANPO struggle that prompted a bifurcation of the concept of citizen protest, especially the “conscious reaction to so-called conservative domination” found in later anti-Vietnam War protests. Simon Avenell, Making Japanese Citizens: Civil Society and the Mythology of the Shimin in Postwar Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010), 65.

  15. 15.

    See George Packard, Protest in Tokyo: The Security Treaty Crisis of 1960 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966); Wesley Makoto Sasaki-Uemura, Organizing the Spontaneous: Citizen Protest in Postwar Japan (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2001).

  16. 16.

    See Ossip K. Flechtheim, “Neue Kritik-Interview mit Zengakuren,” Neue Kritik, 14 (January 1963): 11–13.

  17. 17.

    James Orr, The Victim as Hero: Ideologies of Peace and National Identity in Postwar Japan (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2001).

  18. 18.

    Havens, Fire Across the Sea, 35–42.

  19. 19.

    See especially the special extra edition: “Vetonamu senso to nihon no shuchō” [The Vietnam War and the Importance of Japan], Sekai, 234 (April 1965); Inoue Kiyoshi, “Betonamu sensō hantai no imisuru mono” [What it Means to Oppose the Vietnam War], Bungei, Special Issue (September 1965): 33–37.

  20. 20.

    K. V. Kesavan, “The Vietnam War as an Issue in Japan’s Relations with the United States,” International Studies 16,4 (1977): 516.

  21. 21.

    Avenell, Making Japanese Citizens, 107.

  22. 22.

    “Kankoku—haneda—sasebo—betonamu nansen—kara 70 nendai Anpo no tatakai” [From Korea—Haneda—Sasebo—Anti-Vietnam War to the 70 AMPO Fight], Hansen Seinen Iinkai Hen. Hansen seinen iinkai: tatakai no kiroku to kōdō no genri [Anti-War Youth Committee: Fighting Documents and Movement Principles] (Tokyo: Hansen Seinen Iinkai, 1968), 9.

  23. 23.

    Havens, Fire Across the Sea, 115.

  24. 24.

    See Patricia G. Steinhoff, “Japan: Student Activism in an Emerging Democracy,” in Student Activism in Asia: Between Protest and Powerlessness, ed. Meredith L. Weiss and Edward Aspinall (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2012); Stuart Dowsey (ed.), Zengakuren: Japan’s Revolutionary Students (Berkeley: The Ishi Press, 1970).

  25. 25.

    See Mori Shige, “Minami vetonamu jyōsei no kigi to kakumeiteki hansensō no gendankai” [The Crisis in South Vietnam and the Current State of the Revolutionary Anti-War Struggle], Tatakau Zengakuren 7 (March 1965): 200–203.

  26. 26.

    Havens details the Haneda Incident(s) largely in terms of politics and the government. Marotti has helped to place the event in terms of protest and society, by showing how the media and public treated the events. See Havens, Fire Across the Sea, 130–135; William Marotti, “Japan 1968: The Performance of Violence and the Theater of Protest,” American Historical Review 114 (2009): 103–110.

  27. 27.

    Marotti, “Japan 1968,” 103–106; Patricia Steinhoff, “Memories of New Left Protest,” Contemporary Japan 25,2 (2013): 134–140.

  28. 28.

    “Zengakuren: Struggle of Japanese Students Summer 1967,” International Institute for Social History, Amsterdam [hereafter IISG], 6.

  29. 29.

    Michael Glaser, “Zengakuren: Blausäure und Polizisten,” Konkret 5 (February 1969), 44; Ernest Mandel, “Rede auf dem Vietnam-Kongreß Berlin 18.2.1968,” Neue Kritik 47 (April 1968): 60–68.

  30. 30.

    Havens, Fire Across the Sea, 141–142.

  31. 31.

    “Message from Japan to American Soldiers,” in Shiryo Beheiren Undō, vol. I (Tokyo: Kawade Shobo Shinsha, 1974), 181.

  32. 32.

    “DAVIDSON no essē” [Davidson’s Essay], Rikkyō University Center for Cooperative Civil Societies [hereafter CCCS], R02-C-4-3 (2–3).

  33. 33.

    “AMPO interviews Yoshikawa Yuichi on G.I. Resistance,” AMPO: A Report From the Japanese New Left 2 (1970): 4, 11.

  34. 34.

    “GI Join Us,” AMPO: A Report From the Japanese New Left 9/10 (1971): 67; “Dassō Beihei Denisu ha doko he Kieta?” [Where Has Deserted US Soldier Denis Disappeared To?], Shūkan Anpo (June 1969): 4–8.

  35. 35.

    Nick Thomas, Protest Movements in 1960s West Germany: A Social History of Dissent and Democracy (New York: Berg, 2003).

  36. 36.

    “8–3 Kokusai hansen kaigi no undō, soshiki ronteki sōkatsu” [Activities of the 8–3 International Anti-War Conference, Organizational Argumentative Synthesis], Riron Sensen 7 (October 1968): 129.

  37. 37.

    “Int’l Antiwar Rally Attended by 1,000,” The Japan Times (4 August 1968): 3; “8–3 Kokusai Hansen Kaigi no Undō, Soshiki Ronteki Sōkatsu,” 3: 129–130.

  38. 38.

    “Sekai dōji kakumei o kirihiraku tame ni (8) [For the Opening of the Simultaneous Global Revolution (8)], Senki (8 August 1969), 2.

  39. 39.

    “8–3 Kokusai hansen kaigi no undō, soshiki ronteki sōkatsu,” 4, 129–133.

  40. 40.

    “70 nendai no watashitachi no undo ni mukete… Hansen to henkaku ni kansuru: kokusai kaigi” [Orienting Our Movement Toward the 1970s… Concerning Anti-War and Change: International Meeting], Beheiren Nyūsu 35 (1 August 1968): 1.

  41. 41.

    Yoshioka Shinobu, “Kangaeyo, soshite te kakari o” [Think, Therefore Clues], Beheiren Nyūsu 35 (1 August 1968): 1.

  42. 42.

    “‘Hansen’ kara ‘henkaku’” [“Anti-War” to “Change”], Asahi Jānaru 10,36 (September 1968): 8–9.

  43. 43.

    “Sendai betonamu heiwa kōenkai: amerika hansen heiwa undōka nihon kōen” [Sendai Vietnam Peace Lecture Meeting: American Anti-War, Peace Movement Member’s Speeches in Japan], CCCS, S-01, Folder 0015 [23].

  44. 44.

    Anthony was later revealed to be an FBI informant. Sean Malloy, Out of Oakland: Black Panther Party Internationalism During the Cold War (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2018), 115–117.

  45. 45.

    Koda, “Challenging the Empires,” 186–187.

  46. 46.

    Havens, Fire Across the Sea, 145–150; Marotti, “Japan 1968,” 112–128.

  47. 47.

    “Beheiren Ryōshyūsho Hagaki” [Beheiren Formal Postcard], 1967, in Beheiren, Shiryo Beheiren Undo, vol. I (Tokyo: Kawade Shobo Shinsha, 1974), 185.

  48. 48.

    Takemasa, Japan’s New Left Movements, 70–72.

  49. 49.

    “Bei genshiryoku kūbo entāpuraizu no kikō ni taisuru ketsugi” [A Resolution Concerning the American Nuclear Aircraft Carrier Enterprise Porting] (18 January 1968), in 68.69 wo Kirokusuru Kai, Tōdai tōsō shiryōshu [Tokyo University Struggle Collected Documents] 2 (1992): 680118.

  50. 50.

    Takemasa, Japan’s New Left Movements, 81, 87.

  51. 51.

    See The Sen-Ki (Battle Flag) 1,1 (1969), Freie Universität Berlin, Universitätsarchiv, Bestand Außerparlamentarische Opposition-S [hereafter FU Berlin, UA, APO-S], Signatur 432; Zengakuren: Twenty Years’ Struggle (1967), IISG; AMPO: A Report From the Japanese New Left 1 (November 1969).

  52. 52.

    “70 Nen he no shisō—4–28 okinawa tōsō kara” [Towards an Ideology of 1970—From the 28 April Struggle], Jōkyō 11 (June 1969): 65–66.

  53. 53.

    See Michael Schaller, Altered States: The United States and Japan Since the Occupation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), Chapters 11 and 12.

  54. 54.

    Havens, Fire Across the Sea, 176–178.

  55. 55.

    “AMPO 70: Part 4: Okinawa in the American Empire,” AMPO: A Report from the Japanese New Left 5 (1970): 4.

  56. 56.

    “70 nen he no shisō—4–28 okinawa tōsō kara,” 67–68.

  57. 57.

    “4–28 okinawa dakkan, shuto busō seiatsu—shushōkantei senkyo!” [28 April Okinawa Recovery, Taking Control of the Capital through Arms—Occupy the Prime Minister’s Residence!], Chūkaku 63 (April 1969): 5.

  58. 58.

    Hansen Seinen Iinkai Hen, Beikyokutō senryaku to nihon: okinawa, jieitai, entaapuraizu [American Far East Strategy and Japan: Okinawa, Self Defense Forces, Enterprise] (Tokyo: Hansen Seinen Iinkai, 1967), 5–13; “AMPO 70: Part 4: Okinawa in the American Empire,” 4; “Okinawa ni okeru hansensō no gendankai” [The Current State of Okinawa’s Anti-War Struggle], Tatakau Zengakuren 8 (September 1965): 176.

  59. 59.

    “Okinawa: The Keystone,” Okinawa: A Special Issue of AMPO: A Report From the Japanese New Left 7/8 (1970): 20–21; Nakatani Fumio, “Okinawa mondai no kakumei ronteki kaimei he no kokoromi” [An Attempt at a Clarification of the Okinawa Problem’s Revolutionary Debate], Chūkaku 59 (July 1967): 24–28; Hansen Seinen Iinkai Hen, Beikyokutō senryaku to nihon, 44–45.

  60. 60.

    Nakatani, “Okinawa mondai,” 18.

  61. 61.

    “AMPO 70: Part 1: Okinawa,” AMPO: A Report From the Japanese New Left 1 (November 1969): 9.

  62. 62.

    See, for example, Iida Momo (ed.), 70 Nen he no kakumeiteki shiron [A Revolutionary Ideological Argument Going into 1970] (Tokyo: Sanichi Shobou, 1968).

  63. 63.

    Fumio, “Okinawa mondai no kakumei ronteki kaimei he no kokoromi,” 32.

  64. 64.

    “Shūkan anpo to ha nani ka” [What Is Shūkan Anpo?], Shūkan Anpo 0 [June 1969].

  65. 65.

    “Anpo he ningen no uzumaki wo…,” ibid., 2.

  66. 66.

    “AMPO 70: Part 2: The Deal,” AMPO: A Report From the Japanese New Left 2 (1970): 2.

  67. 67.

    “70 Nen he no shisō—4–28 okinawa tōsō kara,” 67.

  68. 68.

    “70 Nen anpo tōsō to nihon kakumei tenbō” [The 1970 ANPO Struggle and the Prospect of Japanese Revolution], Hanki 1 (November 1968): 2–7.

  69. 69.

    Aoyama Kiyoshi, “Tokubetsu kikō: 4–28 no shōri no hōnō wo anpo funsai—nihon kakume shōri he to moehiro ga raseyo!” [Special Climate: The Dedication of Victory on 28 April Smashes ANPO—the Victory of Japanese Revolution Spreads like Wildfire!], Chūkaku Supplement (May 1969), 5.

  70. 70.

    Peter J. Katzenstein and Yutaka Tsujinaka, Defending the Japanese State: Structures, Norms, and the Political Responses to Terrorism and Violent Social Protest in the 1970s and 1980s (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University East Asia Program, 1991), 142–148.

  71. 71.

    Marotti, “Japan 1968,” 131.

  72. 72.

    Patricia Steinhoff, “Student Conflict,” in Conflict in Japan, ed. Ellis Krauss, Thomas Rohlen, and Patricia Steinhoff (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1984), 174–214. For the definitive history of this conflict, see Takashi Tachibana, Chūkaku vs Kakumaru, 2 vols. (Kōdansha, 1983).

  73. 73.

    William R. Farrell, Blood and Rage: The Story of the Japanese Red Army (Lexington: Lexington Books, 1990), 87.

  74. 74.

    Steinhoff, “Memories of New Left Protest,” 134–140.

  75. 75.

    Havens, Fire Across the Sea, 216–217, quote 217.

  76. 76.

    “Japan’s First Hijacking,” AMPO: A Report from the Japanese New Left 5 (1970): 31.

  77. 77.

    In an article based on an August 1972 interview, however, Steinhoff largely dismissed Okamoto’s ideological and political foundations as “untrained and relatively shallow.” Patricia Steinhoff, “Portrait of a Terrorist: An Interview with Kozo Okamoto,” Asian Survey 16 (September 1976): 830–845, quote 833.

  78. 78.

    Shigenobu Fusako, Nihon sekigun shishi paresuchina to tomo ni [A Personal History of Japanese Red Army: Together with Palestine] (Tokyo: Kawade Shobou Shinsha, 2009), 18–23.

  79. 79.

    R. T. Hobbit, “June 4—Hobbit Invaded and Searched by 25 Japanese Police—June 22 Hobbit Declared Off-Limits by US Military,” AMPO: A Report on the Japanese Peoples’ Movements 13/14 (May/July 1972): 30–31; “Hobbit Raided by Cops!,” Fall in—At Ease (June 1972), CCCS, S01 File 1486, 1.

  80. 80.

    Franziska Seraphim, War Memory and Social Politics in Japan, 1945–2005 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2005), 23–24.

  81. 81.

    Bertrand Russell, Appeal to the American Conscience (London: Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation, 1966), 1.

  82. 82.

    Alex F. Macartney, “Hirohitler on the Rhine: Transnational Protest Against the Japanese Emperor’s 1971 West German State Visit,” Journal of Contemporary History 55,3 (2020): 82–86.

  83. 83.

    This builds on the work of Slobodian, who is critical of interpretations of Maoism that do not take the ideas of historical actors seriously. Quinn Slobodian, “The Meaning of Western Maoism in the Global 1960s,” in The Routledge Handbook of the Global Sixties: Between Protest and Nation-Building, ed. Chen Jian et al. (London: Routledge, 2018), 74–75.

  84. 84.

    “Nikaso de hansen kokusai shūkai” [International Anti-War Conferences in Two Places], Asahi Shimbun (4 August 1968): 14.

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Macartney, A.F. (2022). The Japanese New Left, the Vietnam War, and Anti-Imperial Protest. In: Sedlmaier, A. (eds) Protest in the Vietnam War Era. Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81050-4_9

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