Abstract
The properties of Hungarian Jews were confiscated and redistributed from 1938 when the first anti-Jewish law was enacted in Hungary. As a result, several non-Jews claimed these properties. However, when the Holocaust survivors returned, they re-claimed their own or family properties. Letters written concerning these “Aryanised” Jewish properties demonstrate a shift in the concept of citizenship. During the Horthy era (1920–1944), non-Jews had been integral members of the nation, as opposed to homecoming Jews, who felt the need to point out their willingness to integrate into a democratic society. The letters of the latter also depict the contradiction between the “previous fascist regime”, and the new democracy in which they placed high hopes: the restitution of “Aryanised” property and the restoration of their rights.
This paper is built around the fate of Jewish property: by analysing claim and reclamation letters from Pest-Pilis-Solt-Kiskun County, I flesh out the similarities and differences of their arguments, which reflect the perception of citizenship, the social status of the claimants, and the attributes that made an individual a potentially “good citizen”, who “deserves” certain properties. From a broader perspective, the content of the letters also mirrors the change in the systems in 1945.
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Notes
- 1.
Róbert Győri Szabó, A kommunizmus és a zsidóság az 1945 utáni Magyarországon [Communism and Jewry in Post-1945 Hungary], Budapest: Gondolat, 2009, p. 121.
- 2.
Johan Galtung, “Violence, Peace and Peace Research”, Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 6, No. 3, 1969, p. 168.
- 3.
Béla Tomka, “Erőszak a történelemben: jelentések és hosszú távú trendek” [Violence in History: Meanings and Long-Term Trends], Aetas, Vol. 33, No. 3, 2018, p. 174.
- 4.
Rogers M. Smith, “Modern Citizenship”, in Engin F. Isin, Bryan S. Turner (eds.), Handbook of Citizenship Studies, London: Sage, 2002, p. 105.
- 5.
Rogers M. Smith, “Modern…”, p. 106.
- 6.
József Kepecs (ed.), A zsidó népesség száma településenként (1840–1941) [Statistics of the Jewish Population by Townships (1840–1941)], Budapest: KSH, 1993, pp. 32, 47. The territory of Hungary changed significantly from 1938: as a result of the two Vienna Awards (1938, 1940) Hungary regained Upper Hungary and Northern Transylvania. In 1939, Hungarian troops occupied Carpathian Ruthenia and in 1941, part of the former Southern regions. The above data applies to the country with the expanded territory.
- 7.
Historians have different estimates concerning the proportion of this wealth. According to Gábor Kádár and Zoltán Vági, it was 20–25% (Gábor Kádár, Zoltán Vági, Hullarablás. A magyar zsidók gazdasági megsemmisítése [Robbing the dead. The Economic Annihilation of Hungarian Jews], Budapest: Jaffa, 2005, p. 27). However, Dániel Bolgár questioned this figure, stating that it was only around 7–8% (Dániel Bolgár, “Mítoszok a zsidó jólétről—a Horthy-kori statisztikáktól a mai magyar történetírásig” [Myths about Jewish Prosperity—from the Statistics of the Horthy Era to Today’s History Writing], Múltunk, Vol. 60, No. 4, 2015, pp. 112–163). In any case, taking into account the proportion of the Jewish population of Hungary, it is certain that they were overrepresented in the country’s economy.
- 8.
Gábor Kádár and Zoltán Vági, Aranyvonat: fejezetek a zsidó vagyon történetéből [Gold Train: Chapters from the History of Jewish Wealth], Budapest: Osiris, 2001, p. 23.
- 9.
As a result, the KEOKH (Külföldieket Ellenőrző Országos Központi Hatóság, National Central Authority for Controlling Foreigners) initiated an extensive inspection during which they collected several thousand Jews who were unable to provide sufficient proof of their citizenship status. Many of them were refugees; however, due to the border changes and the difficulty of getting proper documents, several Hungarian Jews were also interned. The “stateless” Jews were then deported beyond the Hungarian borders, to the territory of occupied Ukraine. There, a unit of the Einsatzgruppe C murdered approximately 16,000 of them at Kamenets-Podolsk. On the operation of the KEOKH and the deportations, see Tamás Majsai, “A Kamenyec-Podoszkij-i deportálás” [The Deportations at Kamenets-Podolsk], História, Vol. 16, No. 7, 1994, pp. 26–29; Kinga Frojimovics, I Have Been a Stranger in a Strange Land: The Hungarian State and Jewish Refugees in Hungary, Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 2007.
- 10.
Krisztián Ungváry, A Horthy-rendszer mérlege [The Balance Sheet of the Horthy-System], Pécs–Budapest: Jelenkor–Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, 2012, pp. 562, 559, 584–589.
- 11.
Krisztián Ungváry, A Horthy-rendszer…, p. 562.
- 12.
Randolph L. Braham, A népirtás politikája—A Holocaust Magyarországon [The Politics of Genocide—The Holocaust in Hungary], Vol. 1, Budapest: Park, 2015, p. 616.
- 13.
In Hungarian historiography, there is a long tradition of pro and contra arguments concerning the independence and sovereignty of the Hungarian state after the German occupation—and consequently the state’s responsibility in the Holocaust. I hereby refer to Stephen J. Roth, who underpinned the relative independence of the state with the following facts: Regent Miklós Horthy, who kept his position after the occupation, had the power to appoint the Sztójay government and he was the one who stopped the deportations at the beginning of July 1944. He also had the power to dismiss Döme Sztójay and appoint Géza Lakatos in August 1944. Stephen J. Roth, “Indemnification of Hungarian Victims of Nazism: An Overview”, in Randolph L. Braham, and Attila Pók (eds.), The Holocaust in Hungary: Fifty Years Later, New York: Columbia University Press, 1997, p. 740.
- 14.
The data of those 137 deportation trains that passed through Kassa (Košice) were registered by István Vrancsik, who served at the train station. The list contains the station of departure, the dates the trains passed through Kassa and the number of deportees. Randolph L. Braham, A népirtás politikája…, Vol. 2, pp. 1655–1657.
- 15.
See the text of the decree: Budapesti Közlöny [Budapest Bulletin], 3 November 1944, p. 250.
- 16.
Tamás Stark, Hungarian Jews During the Holocaust and After the Second World War, 1939–1949: A Statistical Review, New York: Columbia University Press, 2000, p. 111.; János Botos, A magyarországi zsidóság vagyonának sorsa 1938–1949 [The Fate of the Wealth of the Hungarian Jewry 1938–1949], Budapest: Magyar Napló, 2015, p. 64; Randolph L. Braham, A népirtás politikája…, Vol. 2, p. 1485.
- 17.
János Botos, A magyarországi zsidóság…, pp. 70–71. This fund was the National Jewish Restitution Fund, whose operation was later hampered by the socialist state. See Borbála Klacsmann, “Vitatható kárpótlás: az Országos Zsidó Helyreállítási Alap működése esettanulmányok tükrében” [Disputable Restitution: The Operation of the National Jewish Restitution Fund as Reflected in Case Studies], in Csaba Fazekas (ed.), Tanulmányok a magyarországi zsidóság történetéből [Essays on the History of the Hungarian Jews], Budapest: Milton Friedman Egyetem, 2019, pp. 204–218.
- 18.
On the Government Commission, see Borbála Klacsmann, “Az Elhagyott Javak Kormánybiztossága és a holokauszt túlélőinek kárpótlása Magyarországon 1945–1948” [The Government Commission for Abandoned Property and the Restitution of the Survivors of the Holocaust in Hungary 1945–1948], in Randolph L. Braham (ed.), Tanulmányok a holokausztról [Essays on the Holocaust], Vol. IX, Budapest: Múlt és Jövő, 2018, pp. 297–340.
- 19.
On the roots of the myth of Jewish revenge, see László Karsai, “‘Shylock is Whetting his Blade’: Fear of the Jews’ Revenge in Hungary during World War II”, in David Bankier (ed.), The Jews Are Coming Back—The Return of the Jews to their Countries of Origin after World War II, Jerusalem: Berghahn—Yad Vashem, 2005, pp. 293–311. On the history of the post-war pogroms and anti-Jewish violence in Hungary, see Éva Vörös, “Kunmadaras—Újabb adatok a pogrom történetéhez” [Kunmadaras—New Details on the History of the Pogrom], Múlt és jövő, Vol. 6, No. 4, 1994, pp. 69–80; János Varga, “A miskolci népítélet, 1946” [The Mob Law of Miskolc, 1946], Medvetánc, Vol. 6, No. 2–3, 1986, pp. 293–314.
- 20.
Randolph L. Braham, A népirtás politikája…, Vol. 2, pp. 1491, 1494. See also János Botos, A magyarországi zsidóság…, pp. 67, 72.
- 21.
Gergő Bendegúz Cseh, “Az Országos Zsidó Helyreállítási Alap létrehozásának körülményei és működése” [Circumstances of the Establishment of the National Jewish Reconstructional Fund and its Activities], Levéltári Közlemények, Vol. 65, No. 1–2, 1994, p. 120.
- 22.
Randolph L. Braham, A népirtás politikája…, Vol. 2, p. 1494.
- 23.
“Őskeresztény” literally means “ancient Christian”, that is, someone who can trace his Christian roots back to two or more generations and thus can prove that there are no Jews in his ancestry and is not subject to the anti-Jewish laws.
- 24.
The claim letter of Lajos Tamás, 1732/1943, V.1044 Cb, MNL PML.
- 25.
Dániel Bolgár wrote a comprehensive article about the origins of the stereotype that Jews holding intellectual positions were overrepresented in Hungarian society; its cultural and social roots, as well as the anti-Semitic perception of this image. Dániel Bolgár, “Pengébb zsidók, deltásabb keresztények. Diskurzus a zsidó testről és észről a 19. századtól a holokausztig” [Smarter Jews, Stronger Christians. Discourse on the Jewish Body and Mind from the nineteenth century to the Holocaust], in Dániel Bolgár, Katalin Fenyves and Eszter Virág Vér (eds.), Egy polgár emlékkönyvébe [In the Album of a Bourgeois], Budapest: Kir Bt, 2018, pp. 13–80.
- 26.
On this topic, see Linda Margittai, Changing of the Guard Within and Beyond the Trianon Border, Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 2014.
- 27.
The most important goal of Hungarian foreign politics between the two world wars was the revision of the Treaty of Trianon. During the re-shaping of the Central and Eastern European borders, Nazi Germany embraced the Hungarian claims. As a result, Hungary regained certain territories between 1938 and 1941. On the subject, see footnote 6.
- 28.
The claim letter of Mrs János Botos, 4215/1944, V.1075 Cb, MNL PML.
- 29.
György Ajtai, Tibor Koltai, László Popper, and Péter Rosta (eds.), Bound by Fate—In Memory of the Jewish Community of Monor, unofficial publication, 2018, p. 138.
- 30.
According to the second anti-Jewish law, its regulations could not be applied to Jews who had been decorated as veterans of the First World War. See Act IV of 1939, §2.
- 31.
Csilla Paczolay, “Monor és a Holocaust” [Monor and the Holocaust], MA (Eszterházy Károly College), 2000, p. 35.
- 32.
Military labour service existed from 1939. Originally, according to paragraph no. 230 of Act II of 1939, “Every young Hungarian citizen who is classified as unfit […] can be obligated to military labour service once in labour camps for a time span not exceeding three months”. For more details, see Elek Karsai (ed.), “Fegyvertelen álltak az aknamezőkön…” [They stood weaponless on the minefields…], Budapest: MIOK, 1962, pp. XVII, XXVII.
- 33.
Decision of the szolgabíró, 4215/1944, V.1075 Cb, MNL PML.
- 34.
György Ajtai…, Bound by Fate…, p. 134.
- 35.
The claim letter of Imre Márton, 6582/1944, V.1075 Cb, MNL PML.
- 36.
On the history of the Monor transit camp, see Borbála Klacsmann, “Ten Days in the Brick Factory: The Monor Transit Camp”, in Karoline Georg, Paula Oppermann, and Verena Meier (eds.), Between Collaboration and Resistance—Papers from the 21st Workshop on the History and Memory of National Socialist Camps and Extermination Sites, Berlin: Metropol, 2020, pp. 67–90.
- 37.
Letter of the notary of Monor, 28 August 1944, 6582/1944, V.1075 Cb, MNL PML.
- 38.
Claim letter of the Ákos brothers, 3191/1945, V.1075 Db, MNL PML.
- 39.
Lakáshivatal—the Housing Offices decided on the fate of the “abandoned”, empty houses in the municipality. Most often this task was undertaken by the municipality leadership, like in Monor.
- 40.
The relevant laws and decrees used the official term “abandoned” for estates and movables whose owners had been deported, escaped or disappeared from the territory of Hungary in other ways.
- 41.
The letter refers to decree no. 34 of 1945. §14 states that those who occupied “abandoned” houses without being allocated were obliged to report this to the Housing Office. See Rendeletek tára 1945, Budapest: Magyar Belügyminisztérium, 1946, p. 14.
- 42.
Claim letter of the Ákos brothers, 3191/1945, V.1075 Db, MNL PML.
- 43.
Today Verőce in Pest County.
- 44.
Tibor Frank’s claiming letter, 466/1947, V.1081 Db, MNL PML.
- 45.
For instance, even though decree no. 300 of 1946 made it possible for the Jews to re-claim their expropriated goods, agricultural equipment and livestock were an exemption and they could not be given back—this way the government tried to protect the continuity of agricultural work in the country.
- 46.
Letter of the notary, 6 May 1947, 466/1947, V.1081 Db, MNL PML.
- 47.
Decision of the Land Registry, 6 May 1947, 466/1947, V.1081 Db, MNL PML.
- 48.
Request of Mrs László Klein, 42/1946, V.1078 Db, MNL PML.
- 49.
Request of Mrs László Klein, 42/1946, V.1078 Db, MNL PML.
- 50.
The relocation of local Germans was part of an extensive operation, which resulted in the deportation of approximately 200,000 Germans who lived in Hungary. Réka Marchut, “A Pest megyei németek kitelepítése a kitelepítési névjegyzékek alapján” [The Resettlement of the Germans from Pest County, Based on the Resettlement Register], in Jenő Gergely (ed.), Vázlatok két évszázad magyar történelméből [Sketches from Two Centuries of Hungarian History], Budapest: ELTE, 2010, pp. 171–190.
References
Archives
Hungarian National Archives, Pest County Archives: MNL PML
V.1044 Gödöllő municipality documents.
V.1075 Monor municipality documents.
V.1078 Nagykovácsi municipality documents.
V.1081 Nógrádverőce municipality documents.
Printed Sources
Budapesti Közlöny [Budapest Bulletin].
Rendeletek tára [Collection of Decrees].
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Klacsmann, B. (2022). “Pure Christians” Versus “Working Citizens of the Democratic Era”: How the Claimants of Jewish Property Perceived Citizenship in Hungary. In: Konrád, O., Barth, B., Mrňka, J. (eds) Collective Identities and Post-War Violence in Europe, 1944–48. World Histories of Crime, Culture and Violence. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78386-0_11
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