Abstract
Dick Wursten’s contribution revisits the nature of Renée’s relationship with noted reformer and spiritual leader of Geneva, Jean Calvin, by analyzing correspondence between the two, particularly as it pertains to a politico-religious controversy that occurred in Ferrara in the spring of 1535, which Wursten terms the “Ferrarese imbroglio.” In the aftermath of the Affaire des Placards in France, a controversial incident involving the public display of broadsheets criticizing papal abuses and the Catholic sacrament of the Eucharist, court poet Clément Marot sought refuge at Renée’s court, likely on the insistence of Marguerite de Navarre. Not long after his arrival, Marot and other perceived “heretics” were pursued by the local inquisitor following a protest against the idolatry of mass during Lent. Wursten pursues a new line of inquiry by deconstructing the long-established historiography related to this event and calling into question the widely held belief that Jean Calvin not only was involved but also personally met Renée and befriended her at that time. By examining primary sources, or getting back to the basics, so to speak, Wursten proposes a reassessment of Calvin’s and Renée’s relationship.
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Notes
- 1.
The Du Tillet family is closely linked to the French Court. Louis’s grandfather had served Louise de Savoie, mother of King François Ier, and his father had become “valet de chambre du Roy” and “greffier en chef” of the Parlement de Paris. Louis du Tillet received Calvin at his home after he left Paris in 1533, and for a while they walked the same road, both literally and spiritually. In 1537 however, Louis decided to return to France and became canon of the Angoulême cathedral. In subsequent correspondence Calvin accuses his friend of defection. Du Tillet, however, argues that Calvin’s approach at reforming the church had proven counterproductive, and thus was not according to God’s will. See Alexandre César Crottet, Correspondance française de Calvin avec Louis du Tillet chanoine d’Angoulême et curé de Claix: sur les questions de l’église et du ministère évangélique: découverte parmi les manuscrits de la Bibliothèque nationale de France, et publiée pour la première fois (Paris: Cherbuliez, 1850).
- 2.
Irene Backus warns historians to be “careful before they treat any of these writings as documentary evidence about Luther, Calvin, Zwingli or Bèze. In this instance, chronological proximity does not mean greater accuracy. One should beware of making statements such as ‘Bèze, Calvin’s biographer says […].’” Life Writing in Reformation Europe: Lives of Reformers by Friends, Disciples and Foes (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008), viii. For more detail, see below.
- 3.
For examples of popular writing consult the Internet; success is guaranteed by searching “Calvin and Ferrara.” For an example in recent scholarly literature, see David Steinmetz’s excellent thematic monograph, Calvin in Context (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), where he notes: “Renée welcomed the scholarly refugees to her court and there is some reason to believe that she offered Calvin a position as secretary […],”10.
- 4.
The most imaginative version is that of Jean-Henri Merle d’Aubigné, Histoire de la Réforme en Europe au temps de Calvin, 8 vols. (Paris: Michel Lévy Frères, 1862–1877). On his motives, see vol. III, 251–254 and vol. V, 537–582. He mixes real events with excerpts from Calvin’s letters, books, and sermons; he postdates events and adds dialogues, graphic descriptions, and action scenes to construct a lively portrait of a young Calvin as self-confident in his instruction of the duchess and continuously solicited by prominent French courtiers for biblical teaching and counseling. Although criticized by fellow historians, this account became an international success, mainly in the United States. See John B. Roney, The Inside of History: Jean Henri Merle d’Aubigné and Romantic Historiography (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1996).
- 5.
I only sketch the outline of this affair. For a detailed account, see Claude A. Mayer, Le départ de Marot de Ferrare, BHR 17 (1956), 197–221. Mayer’s study includes a complete overview and evaluation of strengths and weaknesses of previous studies, in particular Jules Bonnet, Bartolommeo Fontana, and Emanuel Rodocanachi, though some elements, including the number and exact names of the prisoners, remain unclear. Relevant archival documents were published by Bartolommeo Fontana, Renata di Francia duchessa di Ferrara: sui documenti dell’archivio Estense, del Mediceo, del Gonzaga e dell’Archivio secreto vaticano, 3 vols (Rome: Forzani, 1889–1899), interpretive notes have caused confusion. Later research by Rosanna Gorris and Eleonora Belligni has not significantly altered Mayer’s reconstruction, but added personal details, such as the role of ladies-in-waiting and the position of Lyon Jamet.
- 6.
On this fundamental semantic problem, see Anne Overell, Italian Reform and English Reformations, c.1535–c.1585 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008): “There was infinite variety in the experiments we call ‘reform.’ They could be bold or secretive, individual or communal, progressive or reactionary, ‘Catholic’ or ‘Protestant.’ All over Europe there were faltering expressions, uncertain identities,” 1. For a summary of events leading to the Affaire des placards and subsequent suppression, see Dick Wursten, Clément Marot and Religion. A Re-assessment in the Light of his Psalm Paraphrases (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 21–53.
- 7.
Charmarie Jenkins Webb (Blaisdell), Royalty and Reform: The Predicament of Renée de France, 1510–1575 (PhD diss., Tufts, 1969), 98, referring to the Catalogue des actes de François Ier, III, 475, 688; VII, 136, 175. On Bouchefort, a talented and well-paid singer of the royal chapel, see Christelle Cazaux, La Musique à la cour de François Ier (Paris, 2002), 344–346, and John T. Brobeck, “Musical Patronage in the Royal Chapel of France under Francis I (r. 1515–1547),” Journal of the American Musicological Society 48, no. 2 (1995): 214–215. Bouchefort published two chansons à quatre, four-part songs (Attaingnant, RISM 1530/4).
- 8.
Explicitly so in a letter of the duke to his ambassador in Paris, Feruffini, dated May 5, 1536. The duke knew that Jehannet was accused of heresy, but if Jehannet would live “bene et christianamente,” he saw no harm in appointing him. “Desideravemo che la cosa non procedesse piu oltra et lui si trovasse senza colpa, ma essendo occorso chel venerdi santo, havendo noi fatto cantar qui in una chiesa il pascio et essendo ogniuno secondo il costume andato ad adorare la croce el predetto gianetto, non solo non vi ando, ma per quanti da molti ne fu referto, si parti con demonstrare di dispregiare et di tener [poco] Conto de la fede di Christo […].” Fontana, Renata, vol. I, 318–320. French translation in Jules Bonnet, “Les premières persecutions à la cour de Ferrare,” Bulletin de la Société de l’Histoire du Protestantisme françaus 39 (1890): 173–174.
- 9.
This is the official hymn for this celebration. Next to the adoration of the cross (“Crux fidelis”) the faithful are also called to adore the blessed Sacrament (“Tantum ergo Sacramentum”). The ducal chapel at the time consisted of 14 or 15 professional singers. Choirmaster was “Maistre Jhan.”
- 10.
Minutes of the interrogation of April 29: “[…] quondam virum religiosum ordinis hermitarum predicatorem in curia madamae, quem credit virum pessimum, et pro certo ex audito, quod predicavit non esse orandum quia orations facte sunt frivole nullius momentj et quod antequam iste vir predicator esset aut predicaret in curia, ille mullieres erant devotissimae sed postquam ille predicavit non pene volunt videre religiosos aut existimare res ecclesiasticas, et dicunt quod orare erat amissio temporis, similiter dicere officium Beate Virginis et similia.” Fontana, Renata, vol. II, ix–x.
- 11.
“[…] cum quodam gallo parve stature cuius nomen ignorat sed ferebat[ur] habere locum Secretarij madame […].” Fontana, Renata, vol. I, 324. Two secretaries were already identified as heretics in the first interrogation (April 28): Marot and Cornillau. So perhaps there is no need to look any further. For this, see Blaisdell, Royalty, 96. The name of Agostino Foliati is mentioned in the registers of the duchess as “confesseur et prédicateur de Madame” (Madame’s confessor and preacher). Emmanuel Rodocanachi, Renée de France, duchesse de Ferrare. Une protectrice de la Réforme en Italie et en France (Paris: Ollendorff, 1896), 107.
- 12.
“Et interrogatus cuius vocis sit ac fame dictus gallus dicit se audivisse quod ex Francia aufugerit propter hereses lutheranas, et quod credit se audivisse a quodam gallo instructore scolarium habitante in contracta Zecche civitatis Ferrariae qui de omnibus meliorem dabit informationem.” Fontana, Renata, vol. I, 324–325, with emendations based on a copy, for explanations of which, see Fontana, Renata, vol. II, vii, note 1. Blaisdell knows of no school in Ferrara. See Royalty, 96. Eleonora Belligni, based on research by Chiara Francescini, suggests that in 1535, Renée had started an elite boys’ school, where Francesco Paladini and François Richardot were teachers. Evangelismo, Riforma ginevrina e nicodemismo: l’esperienza religiosa di Renata di Francia (Cosenza: Brenner, 2008), 169. If correct, this information might be conducive to a new understanding of the role of Richardot in Ferrara. See more below.
- 13.
Before and after this affair, and as I suggest, during this affair, the diplomatic contacts between Ferrara and the Papal state had only one issue: both the duke and the Pope claimed Modena and Reggio. Ercole’s father, Alfonso I, thought he had settled the issue for good with Pope Clement VII (Giuliano de Medici), but in 1535 the new Pope, Paul III (Alessandro Farnese), had reopened the case again. Only in 1539, Ercole succeeded in settling this dispute with the Pope, but at a very high financial price.
- 14.
Charles V had celebrated his triumph “over the infidel” in Rome on April 5, 1536.
- 15.
For this, see Robert J. Knecht, Renaissance warrior and Patron: The Reign of Francis I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), chapter 16, “Montmorency’s triumph.” See also David Potter, Renaissance France at War: Armies, Culture and Society c. 1480–1560 (Rochester: Boydell Press, 2008), 33–37. Focusing on Ercole’s position, Charmarie Blaisdell makes similar observations about his “liberal attitude in matters of religion,” noting that he was “faithful to Rome, as long as it did not obstruct his objectives as a Renaissance Prince,” and pointing out the “relative weight of the matter of heresy.” “Politics and Heresy in Ferrara, 1534–1559,” Sixteenth-Century Journal 6, no. 1 (1975): 72 and 77. Writing for a popular audience, Mary Hollingsworth focuses on Ippolito d’Este, Ercole’s brother and his ambassador at the French court, in The Cardinal’s Hat: Money, Ambition, and Everyday Life at the Court of a Borgia Prince (New York: Overlook Press, 2004).
- 16.
Often Renée’s letters to the Pope, in which she expresses her gratitude toward him for intervening on her behalf, are considered diplomatic or hypocritical. Considering what Pope Paul III did for her, I suggest abstaining from this kind of evaluation, at least concerning her letters from this period.
- 17.
Johannes Sinapius (Johann Senff, 1505–1560) was an eminent Hellenist and medical doctor. He had taught Greek in Heidelberg and, recommended by Erasmus, had pursued his medical studies at the University of Ferrara. He became Renée’s personal physician and tutor to her children. In 1545, he returned to Germany. He corresponded intensely with Simon Grynaeus. His wife, Françoise de Boussiron de Grand-Ry, was one of Renée’s ladies-in-waiting. Calvin had played a role in convincing Françoise to accept Sinapius as her husband (1538). Their home seemed to have been one of the foyers where religious issues were discussed. His wife was certainly one of Calvin’s informers and kept him posted about developments in Ferrara. On this, see John Flood and David Shaw, Johannes Sinapius (1505–1560). Hellenist and Physician in Germany and Italy (Geneva: Droz, 1997), in particular 92–95.
- 18.
“Quando sane illo quo adfuisti tempore, superioribus annis, revera me sicuti Alcibiades Silenus quispiam latuisti.” Flood and Shaw, Johannes Sinapius, Letter 36, 186. In Plato’s Symposium, Alcibiades compares Socrates to a statue of Silenus, ugly and hollow on the outside, but inside it is full of tiny golden statues of the gods (Symposium 216e–217a). The Silenus’s comparison is applied to the moral and spiritual domain by Erasmus in his very popular Adagium “Sileni Alcibiadis.” See Desiderius Erasmus, Adagiorum chiliades (Basel: Froben, 1540), III iii 1 (nr. 2201), 482–491. The metaphor is also used by Rabelais in his preface to Gargantua (1534). Another reference to their original meeting in Ferrara can be found in the letter from Sinapius to Calvin of December 5, 1553, in which he informs Calvin of the death of his wife: “A primo die quo nos olim Ferrariae vidimus et salutavimus […].” Flood and Shaw, Johannes Sinapius, Letter 61, 204.
- 19.
That Calvin traveled using this pseudonym is based on the note about his visit to Ferrara in Jean-Papire Masson, Vita Ioannis Calvini auctore Papirio Massono (Paris: s.n., 1620), 11–12.
- 20.
Semi-autobiographical because without this prefix the term would be anachronistic, and we might miss the framing of the story. Calvin has an ulterior motive when he inserts fragments of his personal life in this preface. In it, he postulates a more than general likeness (analogy) between what happened to David (and Israel) and what was happening to God’s church in the sixteenth century. For this, see Barbara Pitkin, “Imitation of David: David as a paradigm for faith in Calvin’s exegesis of the Psalms,” Sixteenth-Century Journal 24, no. 4 (1993): 843–863. Herman J. Selderhuis, Calvin’s Theology of the Psalms (Grand Rapids: Baker, 2007) also recalls Calvin’s far-reaching identification of Calvin with David. He also underlines the asylum or exile motive, which is one of the ways in which he himself (and the refugee community in Geneva) could recognize themselves in the mirror of the Psalms.
- 21.
Calvin refers to his Christianae religionis Institutio (Basel: Thomas Platter, 1536); the full title of which is mentioned in note 25. For the publication of this book and Calvin’s departure from Basel, see Jean Calvin, In librum psalmorum Commentarius (Geneva: Robert Estienne, 1557), iiir. In French, see Jean Calvin, Commentaires sur le livre des Pseaumes ([Geneva]: Conrad Badius, 1561), iiiir–iiiiv.
- 22.
June 12, 1536, signature on a deed of sale in Paris, June 22, 1536, similar activity in Noyon.
- 23.
He stresses that the first edition was not a multi volume “Summa theologiae,” but “seulement un petit livret” (“breve dumtaxat enchiridion”), only exposing the typical topics of any catechism. This is an understatement: the Basel Institutio is a 514-page in-octavo imprint.
- 24.
A little bit hard to believe for someone who succeeds in having the illustrious Thomas Platter print a 514-page book, proudly carrying his name on the front page: “Christianae religionis institutio, totam fere pietatis summam, & quicquid est in doctrina salutis cognitu necessarium: complectens: omnibus pietatis studiosis lectu dignissimum opus, ac recens editum: Praefatio ad Christianissimum regem Franciae, qua hic ei liber pro confessione fidei offertur / Ioanne Calvino Noviodunensi authore.” Calvin, In librum psalmorum, iiir.
- 25.
“Or que je n’eusse point ce but de me montrer et acquerir bruit, je le donnay bien cognoistre parce qu’incontinent apres je me retirai de là: joint mesmement que personne ne sceut là que j’en fusse l’auteur: comme aussi partout ailleurs je n’en ai point fait de semblant, et avoye deliberé de continuer de mesme jusqu’à ce que finalement maistre Guillaume Farel me retient à Genève […].” Calvin, Commentaires, iiiir–iiiiv.
- 26.
He had already broken financially with the Church in 1534 abandoning his right on the revenue of a Prebend at Noyon Cathedral. From Ferrara, he went to Paris to cut the last ties that bound him to France leaving the care for the family fortune to his brother Antoine.
- 27.
Some phrasing from the preface with the caveat this is also “image building,” but there must be a grain of truth in it to sound plausible: “Strasbourg, où je vouloye lors me retirer;” “quelques estudes particulieres, auxquelles je me vouloye reserver libre;” “mon repos et la tranquillite d’estudes que je cherchoye.” Calvin, Commentaires, iiiir–iiiiv. Perhaps he went to Ferrara with this kind of career in mind?
- 28.
See Calvin’s introspective words regarding his temperament in the same preface: “[…] je me recognoy estre timide, mol et pusillanime de ma nature […].” Calvin, Commentaires, iiiir–iiiiv.
- 29.
Calvin, Commentaires, iiiir–iiiiv.
- 30.
“En fin voyant le povre estat du royaume de France, il delibera de s’en absenter pour vivre plus paisiblement et selon sa conscience. Il partit donques de France l’an 1534, et ceste mesme annee fit imprimer, à Basle, sa premiere Institution, comme un Apologetique adressé au feu roi François, premier de ce nom, pour les povres fideles persecutes, auxquels à tort on imposoit le nom d’Anabaptistes, pour s’excuser envers les princes Protestants des persecutions qu’on leur faisoit. Il fit aussi un voyage en Italie, où il vit Madame la duchesse de Ferrare, encores aujourd’huy vivante, graces à Dieu; laquelle l’ayant veu et ouy, dès lors jugea ce qui en estoit, et toujours depuis jusques à sa mort, l’a aimé et honoré, comme un excellent organe du Seigneur. A son retour d’Italie, laquelle il ne fit que voir, il passa à la bonne heure par ceste ville de Genève […].” Théodore de Bèze, Commentaires de M. Jean Calvin, sur le livre de Josué. Avec une préface de Theodore de Besze, contenant en brief l’histoire de la vie et mort d’iceluy. Il a aussi deux tables: l’une des matieres singulieres contenues esdits Commentaires, l’autre des tesmoignages de l’Escriture saincte alleguez et proprement appliquez par l’autheur (Geneva: François Perrin, 1564), vr. For other editions, see the bibliography. This text was also printed and sold separately as Discours de M. Théodore de Besze, contenant en bref l’histoire de la vie et mort de Maistre Jean Caluin avec le Testament et derniere volonté dudict Calvin. Irene Backus, Life Writing in Reformation Europe (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008), 126.
- 31.
Historians divide the outbursts of violence between Roman Catholics and Protestants in France between 1562 and 1598 into six wars.
- 32.
About the complex question of authorship, see Backus, Life Writing, 128–130. This Vita is not translated into French until 1681. It is attached as a preface to Bèze’s edition of a selection of Calvin’s Correspondence, and later also to editions of the Institutio. The intended readers are scholars.
- 33.
“De Basle Calvin avec son dit compagnon vint en Italie et demeurèrent quelque temps à Ferrare.” Théodore de Bèze, Commentaries de M. Iea Calvin sur le livre de Iosué. Avec une Preface de Theodore de Besze, contenant en brief l’histoire de la vie et mort d’iceluy: augmentée depuis la premiere edition deduite selon l’ordre du temps quasi d’an en an (Geneva: François Perrin, 1565), bir–biv. In this edition more anecdotical material is present, and a chronology is introduced. Strictly speaking it is not even entirely certain that Du Tillet really accompanied Calvin to Ferrara. In their correspondence, which chronologically follows the events, see Crottet, Correspondence française de Calvin, where the trip to Italy is not mentioned at all. Also, Colladon’s “factual” additions are not particularly trustworthy.
- 34.
“Edito hoc libro suaque velut praestita patriae fide, Calvinum visendae Ferrariensis Ducis Ludovici XII. Francorum regis filiae, cuius tum pietas celebrabatur, simulque Italiae veluti procul salutandae desiderium incessit. Illam igitur vidit, simulque quantum id illum facere praesens rerum status sinebat, in vero pietatis studio confirmavit, ut eum postea vivum semper unice dilexerit, ac post quoque superstes gratae in defunctum memoriae specimen ediderit luculentum. Ceterum ex Italia, in cuius fines se ingressum esse dicere solebat ut inde exiret […].” Ioannis Calvini Epistolae et Responsa, quibus interiectae sunt insignium in ecclesia Dei vivorum aliquot etiam epistolae. Eiusdem I. Calvini Vita a Theodoro Beza Genevensis ecclesiae ministro accurate descripta. (Geneva: Pierre Saint-André, 1575), “Vita,” [16].
- 35.
See note 4.
- 36.
“Secondo l’annalista Spondano, nell’ anno precedente venuto a Ferrara l’eresiarca Giovanni Calvino, sotto abita finto talmente infettò Renea figlia de re Lodovico XII, e duchessa di Ferrara, degli errori suoi, che non si pote mal trarle di cuore il bevuto veleno. Ma nel presente anno veggendosi scoperto questo lupo, se ne fuggi a Genevra. Vengo assicurato da chi ha veduto gli atti dell’ inquisizion di Ferrara, che si pestifero mobile fu fatto prigione.” Lodovico Antonio Muratori, Annali d’Italia ed alter opere varie, vol IV: 1358–1687 (Rome, 1838), 374. The original edition is in twelve volumes, 1744–1749. See also Blaisdell, Royalty, 136–140.
- 37.
In addition to the three-volume biography of Renée, Fontana also published Documenti dell’Archivio Vaticano e dell’Estense circa il soggiorno di Calvino a Ferrara (Rome: Forzani, 1889–1899).
- 38.
One example: “Faut-il reconnaître, dans cet interlocuteur véhément Calvin ou plutôt Marot, inspiré et stimulé par Calvin? Quoi qu’il en soit, directement ou indirectement, c’était toujours la voix de Calvin qui se faisait entendre. Ses arguments convainquirent sans peine Renée, déjà plus qu’à demi gagnée.” Rodocanachi, Une protectrice, 108. People who followed this identification also implicitly accepted that Calvin must have been Renée’s secretary for a while. This explains why until today even scrupulous historians write that Calvin “for a time served as a secretary to the Duchess.” Steinmetz, Calvin in Context, 10. See note 3. In some reconstructions, the cleric Louis du Tillet is made the foremost preacher and Calvin “dressed up like his assistant.” This is based on Jean-Papire Masson: “et si clericum sacerdoti inservientem agebat.” Vita Ioannis Calvini, 11–12. On Masson and his source (François Bauduin, ex-secretary of Calvin), see Backus, Life Writing, 169–181.
- 39.
On Bolsec and his vita, see Backus, Life Writing, 153–162. An excellent summary is given by Alister McGrath, who writes that according to Bolsec, “Calvin was irredeemably tedious and malicious, bloodthirsty and frustrated. He treated his own words as if they were the word of God, and allowed himself to be worshipped as God. In addition to frequently falling victim to his homosexual tendencies, he had a habit of indulging himself sexually with any female within walking distance.” A Life of John Calvin (Oxford: Blackwell, 1993), 16–17. Others who wrote a (partisan) Vita Calvini are Jean-Papire Masson (1620), Jacques Desmay (1621), Jacques Le Vasseur (1633), and Cardinal Richelieu (1651). For this, see Backus, Life Writing, chapters 4 and 5.
- 40.
Geneva BPU, Ms. fr. 196, 79–81. Aimée-Louis Herminjard, Correspondance des réformateurs dans les pays de langue française, vol. 7 (Geneva and Paris: Georg & Cie, 1886), 307–319 (ep. 1058). Calvini opera quae supersunt omnia, Vol. XI, ed. Edouard Cunitz, Johann-Wilhelm Baum, and Eduard Wilhelm Eugen Reuss, 323–333. Lettres de Jean Calvin, recueillis pour la première fois et publiées d’après les manuscrits originaux, vol. I, ed. and trans. Jules Bonnet (Paris: Librairie de C. Meyrueis et compagnie, 1854), 43–56. Letters by John Calvin. Compiled from the Original Manuscripts and edited with Historical Notes, ed. Jules Bonnet and trans. David Constable (Edinburgh: Thomas Constable and Co., 1855) vol. I, 295–306. Some date this letter to 1541 (Cunitz et al. and Bonnet), others in 1537 (Doumergue, Herminjard). In the new edition of Calvin’s correspondence, Opera omnia denuo recognita, Series VI: Epistolae, vol. I: 1530-sept. 1538 (Genève: Droz, 2005), edited by Cornelis Augustijn et al., this letter is reprinted with a material description, introduction, summarizing translation, and footnotes, 218–232. Based on internal evidence (e.g., paper mark, reference to some books Calvin encloses), the editors suggest summer 1537 as the date of composition, 219. Bèze also included this letter, translated into Latin, in his selection of Calvin’s epistles, Epistolae et Responsa, 151–155, the same edition that premiered the final version of his “Calvini vita.”
- 41.
It is too simple a solution to claim that these apologies are usual courtesies, that is, epistolary politeness when writing to people in high places, and should not be taken literally. It is perfectly possible to be polite and at the same time refer to previous commitments. The reader may decide for himself while considering the first line: “Madame, je vous supplie humblement de vouloir prendre en bonne part la hardiesse que j’ay eu de vous escripre ces presentes […].” Cunitz et al., Calvini opera, Vol. XI, 323. In Constable’s translation, “Madame,—I humbly beseech you that you would take in good part my boldness in writing these present […],” Bonnet and Constable, The Letters of John Calvin, Vol. 1, 295. Why use such a strong term as “hardiesse” (boldness, brutality) if they were already on speaking terms since Ferrara? And exponentially so, if Renée had already recognized Calvin as “organe de Dieu,” as Bèze suggests?
- 42.
English translation, Constable, Letters by John Calvin, Vol. 1, 296.
- 43.
“[…] maistre Francoys, […] vous avoit persuadé, qu’il ne seroit pas maulvays apres avoir ouy la messe de faire quelque communion laquelle servit de la cene de nostre Seigneur […],” Cunitz et al., Calvini opera, Vol. XI, 324. In Constable’s translation: “[…] Master François, […] had persuaded you that it would not be a bad thing, after having heard mass, to hold some sort of communion, which must be somehow the Supper of our Lord,” Bonnet and Constable, The Letters of John Calvin, Vol. 1, 296. In the summary of the new edition of Calvin’s letters, Richardot’s advice is summarized as: “attendance of the Lord’s Supper is permissible after hearing the Mass,” 219. See note 40. This oversimplifies the issue suggesting there already existed a standardized way of celebrating the Lord’s Supper. However, in 1537, reform-oriented clergy is still experimenting how to do that properly. Many in France believed it was possible to reform Holy Mass without abolishing the ritual of the Catholic Liturgy. Only the words of the consecration had to be corrected (“christlich bessern,” as Luther called it). Of course, the people had to participate in the ritual, receiving both bread and wine. At the court of Marguerite de Navarre, this is how Holy Mass was celebrated, with Gérard Roussel as officiating priest. Calvin’s attack on Roussel (one of the Epistolae Duae) dates from the same period.
- 44.
François Richardot (1507–1574) was an Augustinian hermit, who had studied theology in Paris, where he became a professor in 1529. In the early 1530s, he disappears from the radar. It is rumored that he became a “Lutheran.” What is certain is that the Pope discharged him from his monastic vows and that he spent some time as a secular priest in Rome. It is generally assumed that he arrived in Ferrara in May 1537, in the retinue of Vittoria Colonna. He became Renée’s personal almoner, a position he held until 1544. Then he returned to France. He became Bishop of Arras (as successor of Granvelle), and preached at the Funeral of Charles V. He was confessor to Margaret of Parma. The only biography available is written by Abbé Léon Duflot, Un Orateur du XVIe siècle. François Richardot, évêque d’Arras (Arras: Sueur-Charruey, 1898), a specimen of Roman Catholic historiography (apologetic, thus minimizing his “heretical” period). Protestant historians generally blindly endorse Calvin’s negative judgment of this man. Only recently a more nuanced approach is tried, in which Richardot is sketched as a pastoral orator, with a strong biblical foundation, who tries to preach a message that unites people. See Gustaaf Janssens, “‘Superexcellat autem misericordia iudicium.’ The Homily of François Richardot on the Occasion of the Solemn Announcement of the General Pardon in the Netherlands (Antwerp, July 16, 1570),” Public Opinion and Changing Identities in the Early Modern Netherlands. Essays in Honour of Alastair Duke, ed. Judith Pollman and Andrew Spicer (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 107–124. In my opinion, it is not impossible that he is that mysterious “man of the religious order of hermits preaching in Madame’s court” in 1536. See notes 10 and 12 in this chapter.
- 45.
Often identified as Françoise de Boussiron (Sinapius’s wife), but without concrete evidence. Also, in the new edition of this letter, mentioned in note 40. One should be aware that this is how myths are born. Renée’s court was a royal court. She had a considerable dowry, and when she arrived from France, her retinue consisted of 126 people.
- 46.
On further discussion of these Epistolae, see note 48.
- 47.
Cunitz et al., Ioannis Calvini, Vol. XIV, letter number 1832. The Opera omnia contain two letters directly addressed to Calvin, both dating from the last period of her life (as a widow): Vol. XX, letter numbers 4085, 4206. They deal with problems she had with the ministers Calvin sent to her in Montargis (on her request). Based on other letters, there must have been more, although much of the stream of information was indirectly (messengers, visitors). Sixteenth-century scholars and politicians were excellent networkers. On these letters, see also Kelly Peebles, Chap. 11.
- 48.
This text is quoted on the title page of the Epistolae duae, published in January 1537. According to Calvin, “Vera pietas veram confessionem parit” (true piety cannot exist without public profession). The Epistolae duae (Basel: [Balthasar Lasius and Thomas Platter], 1537) have revealing titles: Epistolæ duæ de rebus hoc sæculo cognitu apprime necessariis. Prior, De fugiendis impiorum illicitis sacris, et puritate Christianæ religionis observanda. Altera, De christiani hominis officio in sacerdotiis papalis ecclesiæ vel administrandis, vel abiiciendis. The letter to Roussel has an apocalyptic tone, noting that if attending Mass is already a contamination, administering it is a crime above all abominations: sacrilege. In the Petit traicté monstrant que c’est que doit faire un homme fidèle congnoissant la verité de l’évangile, quand il est entre les papistes (Geneva: Jean Girard, 1543), the advice is even more precise: if emigration is impossible and one cannot keep away from any manifestation of the papist religion, a Christian must constantly confess this sin and ardently pray to God to show the way out. See Cunitz et al., Calvini opera, Vol. VI, 570–571. To his first letter, he added some of his recent tracts on the topic at hand, which were likely these. Thus, Renée knew what to do. For a more profound analysis, see Dick Wursten, Clément Marot and Religion, 410–415.
- 49.
Calvin to Renee, February 2, 1555: “Et de faict le diable en a tellement faict ses triomphes, que nous avons ete contrainte de gémir et baisser la teste, sans nous enquerir plus outre,” Cunitz et al., Calvini opera, Vol. XV, 418. Constable’s English translation reads: “And indeed the devil has so triumphed over us, that we have been constrained to groan over it, hold down our heads, and make no further enquiries,” Bonnet and Constable, Letters of John Calvin, Vol. 3, 130. Calvin’s messages to other Protestant leaders about the duchess’s action also express his disappointment. He refers to Psalm 146:3, “Do not put your trust in princes,” in his letter to Farel of November 1554: “De Ducissa Ferrariens tristis nuncius ac certior quam vellem, minis et probris victam cecidesse. Quid dicam nisi rarum in proceribus esse constantiae exemplum?” (Of the Duchess of Ferrara, we have sad tidings, and more certain than I could have wished. Overcome by threats and outrages she has fallen off. What can I say, except that an example of constancy is rare among princes?), Cunitz et al., Calvini opera, Vol. XV, 297–298.
- 50.
Blaisdell, “Calvin’s Letters to Women: The Courting of Ladies in High Places,” Sixteenth-Century Journal 13, no. 3 (1982), 84.
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Wursten, D. (2021). Back to Basics: Rereading the “Ferrarese Imbroglio” of 1536 in Light of Primary Sources. In: Peebles, K.D., Scarlatta, G. (eds) Representing the Life and Legacy of Renée de France. Queenship and Power. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69121-9_4
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