Abstract
Ever since Prijedor came to international attention in mid-1992 for housing three concentration camps for non-Serbs, municipal authorities have been adamant in denying any responsibility for the torture and death of thousands of people. While ethnic communities freely developed their commemorative practices, the official municipal memory politics remain reserved exclusively for victims of Serb ethnic background. Faced with an ambivalent role of international courts and almost non-existent EU influence (Moll in Nationalities Papers 41(6): 910–935, 2013), local actors, activists and artists took charge of memory making on the ground. This chapter analyses the responses of activists and artists to institutionalised forgetting and the passive presence of the international community on the Bosnian memory landscape, providing a critical perspective on the current commemorative practices in Prijedor. I offer an analysis of interventions by artists and activists that evoke collective recollection of wartime events and expose the shortcomings of the post-war model of commemorative politics in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Notes
- 1.
Europeanisation is here meant as a larger process of EU integration and a main source of tracking progress of the candidate countries through conditionality framed as economic reforms, fight against corruption, privatisation, acquis communautaire, cooperation with international courts, etc. The state-building project was imposed by civilian and military international actors with a top-down approach (Aybet and Bieber 2011) making BiH look more like an international protectorate than a fully sovereign state. The diffusion of three general EU enlargement norms of democratic governance, the market economy and human rights (Radaelli in Featherstone and Radaelli 2003) often meant changing of conditions to a ubiquitous permanent “crisis” of state-building (Rossiter 2002).
- 2.
ICTY stands for “International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia” and it is important to add here that the EU has altered its enlargement process through chapter 23 to include rule of law and human rights protection, covering the issues of reform of the judiciary, preventing and combating corruption, human rights protection, political rights, national minority and returnee rights, processing war crimes and cooperation with the ICTY.
- 3.
Voted in 2015, this is a third resolution of the EU parliament on Srebrenica, although this one unfortunately came as a response to the rising tide of denial of genocide in Srebrenica that culminated in establishment of a Commission on Srebrenica and Sarajevo by the Republika Srpska’s government.
- 4.
Their support is most directly reflected in their support for REKOM, but one that has not yet become a part of the accession conditions. RECOM stands for “Regional Commission Tasked with Establishing the Facts about All Victims of War Crimes and Other Serious Human Rights Violations Committed on the Territory of the Former SFRJ”.
- 5.
One of myriad examples is the speech of Milorad Dodik, the then president of Republika Srpska, during the commemoration of the Kozara battle from the Second World War in July 2015 (Udruženje Kozarčana u Beogradu 2015).
- 6.
ITN stands for “Independent Television News”.
- 7.
Their footage has been used in several court proceedings at the ICTY, but there had been reports of violence from the very opening of the camp via people who managed to escape to Zagreb.
- 8.
The Final Report of the United Nations Commission of Experts Established Pursuant to Security Council Resolution (1992).
- 9.
See the letter of the then Secretary-General to the UN Security Council President available on International Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia.
- 10.
According to International Commission for Missing Persons (ICMP) report from 2014 there are 788 persons missing from the Prijedor region. The report does not differentiate nationalities. In Adis Hukanović’s book Događaji, narativi i interpretacija narativa 1992 godine: slučaj Prijedora (2015), the number of missing Bosniaks and Croat ranges from is 644 to 693, with 12 partially identified bodies (p. 16). For more details on the number of people killed and still missing during the war in Prijedor check Ni krivi ni duzni (2012).
- 11.
Commission Staff Working Document: Analytical Report was issued on the 25th of May 2019, European Commission (2019).
- 12.
Bosnia and Herzegovina is divided into two entities, Federacija Bosne i Hercegovine (made up of ten cantons), Republika Srpska and a district, with their separate parliaments and governments in charge of commemorative practices.
- 13.
The controversial commission will be led by Prof. Gideon Greif. For more see The Times of Israel (2019).
- 14.
There are examples of historical revisionism and rehabilitation of Nazi collaborators throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina, starting from streets named by prominent četniks and ustašas and other Nazi sympathisers, to erection of monuments and renaming schools in their honour. The case of Rade Radić’s street and monument in and around Banja Luka, the street of Mile Budak in Mostar and the case of naming a school in Sarajevo by Mustafa Busuladžić are just cases in point. Further examples are the celebrations of convicted war criminals.
- 15.
I also gave an interview for a publication on memory published by the collective, for more see Dragosavljević et al. (2016).
- 16.
Centre for Democracy and Transitional Justice is a part of a network of NGO’s that work around unresolved war issues from missing persons, former prisoners of war, torture, etc. The project I was a part of was funded by EC and the leading organisation was the Belgrade-based Humanitarian Law Centre.
- 17.
BIJELE TRAKE PRIJEDOR 2015 (Zoran VučkovacOmarska) (2015).
- 18.
- 19.
The indirect impact is definitely present as seen in the publication funded by Forum ZFD and comprised of the transcripts and interviews with multiple individuals dealing with commemorative practices in Prijedor (Dragosavljevic et al. 2016).
- 20.
See Arnautović (2012).
- 21.
Maja Lovrenović and Igor Lasić co-wrote two articles for Croatian newspapers Feral Tribune several months after the privatisation of the mine, tracing down the two failed attempts of Bosnian Serbs to privatise and hinder its bloody history. See also Lovrenović (2013).
- 22.
For a detailed overview of the history of Omarska memorial initiative and the discussions around it see Brenner (2011).
- 23.
Several local newspapers reported about the discovery of 420 bodies in mass grave Kevljani in 2004, hardly any made it to the headlines of major national papers months prior to Mittal’s purchase of the mine.
- 24.
An interesting account on the poetics of labour and labour of death can be found in Sabrina Perić’s work that goes beyond the ethno-national optics so often invoked by local and international researchers even when acknowledging the insufficiencies of the ethno-nationalism’s operational logics.
- 25.
The group is engaged in another project that follows the same trait; the project is entitled “Living Death Camp” and it explores the ways in which former death camps (Omarska after the turbulent 1990s in B&H and Staro Sajmište after the Second World War in Serbia) are continuously being appropriated and exploited, and examples of memory occlusion in cases when certain historical aspects of the Balkan atrocities are in discord with the official national narrative. The group presented these issues manifesting aggressive historical revisionism and politics of denial within the 54th October Saloon entitled “No one belongs here more than you”. The group also organised a public debate on the subject (54th October Salon Public Discussion “Living Death Camp” 2013).
- 26.
For more info check Portal za kulturu jugoistočne Evrope (2010).
- 27.
Without directly referencing, the concept of social sculpture goes back to the German artist Joseph Beuyes, who sought to bring together social behaviour and the principles of building a sculpture aiming to shape human interaction as one would potentially a sculptural mass (Kupp et al. 2009).
- 28.
Video recording of the press release was published on the Vimeo page of the Forensic Architecture project, funded by European Research Council and hosted by the Centre for Research Architecture, Goldsmiths University of London (Forensic Architecture 2012).
- 29.
In a private exchange with Dr. Damir Arsenijević.
- 30.
The association “Izvor” asked for a permission to stage a performance on the main square with 266 body-bags for women and girls killed during the war. The official response by the authorities stated that the gatherings would not be allowed as different emotions of national belonging could be stirred and potentially cause violence against people and property. See Padalović (2012).
- 31.
ICTY (International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia) (1997).
- 32.
See an article on ICTJ web portal regarding the initiative here Bosnia and Herzegovina (2013).
- 33.
Arnautović (2012).
- 34.
Atlas Corps (2018).
- 35.
Members of the initiative organised a coordinated action to instal three plaques commemorating victims of different ethnic background in Konjic, Bugojno and Foča, all of which were expediently taken down by the municipal authorities. For more info see Sito-Sučic (2013).
- 36.
Guerrilla memorials definitely differ from Alan Rice’s concept of “guerrilla memorialisation” which he developed in regards to legacy of slavery, though it bears similarity in terms of artistic interventions to politically induced amnesia. For more see Rice (2010).
- 37.
See Refik Hodžić (2015).
- 38.
Data taken from a conference presentation by Katarina Ristić (2019) at Memory Studies Association Conference in June 2019.
- 39.
Though he engages with histories of violence, Cvijetić never discusses an individual faces of violent politics of the 1990s or their counterparts in contemporary B&H political scenes. See for example: Agić (2017).
- 40.
In days after Tomašica mass grave was discovered, the biggest one in B&H, a video poll with citizens of Prijedor circulated in the press showing complete lack of empathy for victims and survivors and disbelief about the facts. For most citizens of Prijedor remnants of 600 hundred bodies are overblown and it is all a plot to win elections. See Biscaniba (2013).
- 41.
Cvijetić argues that we will have to learn anew the language taken hostage by the nationalist violence put forward in the nineties. See Kožul (2014).
- 42.
With the exception of a critical review of another poet and translator, Alan Pejković, of his poetry book Konopci sa otiskom vrata Ropes With a Neckmark (Cvijetić 2013) which was included in the book itself.
- 43.
Šindlerov lift (2018) also won the Kočićevo pero award and opened his entire oeuvre up to the broader public. Even though his work in theatre and the newly published novel are more accessible than his poetry books, the acknowledgement also came for his poetic voice in the form of the nomination for the European Poet of Freedom that will result in Goosebumps being translated to Polish.
- 44.
Cvijetić (2014).
- 45.
Author’s translation. Original title of the poem is “Argonautska” (Cvijetić 2015).
- 46.
For a thorough analysis of Kulenović’s work see Batinić (2015).
- 47.
Author’s translation, Cvijetić (2015).
- 48.
Here Cvijetić reminds us of the hardly digestible patrimony of the war in B&H, that is the secondary and tertiary mass graves. They were the result of an attempted cover-up of the atrocities by the Republika Srpska Army where they moved the initial mass graves several times over which often meant that a single person’s remains could be found in several mass graves. For family and relatives this caused a lot of distress and a painful process of excavating the grave over and over again. While forensics offered a scientific solution to identification of victims, it proved incapable of preventing posthumous meddling with the victims’ identity both by the state and religious institutions. In most cases forensics only reinforced it. For more on the role of forensics in this process see Jakovljević (2011).
- 49.
Mezar is Arab for “grave”. Cvijetić (2015).
- 50.
Miljenko Jergović (2015) praised Cvijetić’s work several times on his blog site and in Croatian dailies.
- 51.
Boris Dežulović, much before Darko Cvijetić was “discovered”, wrote a book of poetry titled Pjesme iz Lore—Poems from Lora (2005), on the war camp Lora in Split.
- 52.
Kožul (2019).
- 53.
Remarks on Adorno’s famous claim that writing poetry after Auschwitz is barbarity in an interview for KontraPress, where Cvijetić claims Auschwitz never stopped occurring Komarčević (2013).
- 54.
See an interview with Igor Sovilj in Dragosavljevic et al. (2016), pp. 118–128.
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Vučkovac, Z. (2021). Against Institutionalised Forgetting: Memory Politics from Below in Postwar Prijedor. In: Milošević, A., Trošt, T. (eds) Europeanisation and Memory Politics in the Western Balkans. Memory Politics and Transitional Justice. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54700-4_10
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