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Kwame Nkrumah and the All-African Trade Union Federation: Labour and the Emancipation of Africa

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Abstract

This chapter examines Kwame Nkrumah’s use of trade unions to gain Ghanaian independence, create the All-African Trade Union Federation (AATUF) to unite Africans from the bottom up, defeat Kenya’s Tom Mboya and his plan to affiliate the African labour movement with the West’s International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, and work surreptitiously with the Soviet Bloc’s World Federation of Trade Unions to fund the AATUF and use it as the labour adjunct in his effort to create a United States of Africa.

I would like to thank the Fulbright Program for providing me the opportunity to teach and research in Ghana, my former colleagues in the University of Ghana’s History Department for their helpful comments on aspects of this paper during a departmental seminar, Abigail M. Opong Tetteh of USAC, PRAAD archivist Bright Botwe, Dean Holly Baumgartner and my department chair, Robert Alexander, who provided assistance for my London research, and Matteo Grilli, Bruce Frohnen, and the outside readers for their detailed feedback.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Leading works on labour and Pan-Africanism include Gary K. Busch, “Pan-Africanism and Pan-African Trade Unions, 1960–1969” (PhD diss., American University, Washington D.C., 1969); Opuku Agyeman, The Failure of Grassroots Pan-Africanism: The Case of the All-African Trade Union Federation (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2003). On the historical profession’s turn away from labour history, see, for example, the Introduction to Robert Anthony Waters, Jr., and Geert van Goethem, American Labor’s Global Ambassadors: The International History of the AFL-CIO during the Cold War (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013), 1–2; Neville Kirk, “Taking Stock: Labor History during the Past Fifty Years,” International Labor and Working-Class History 82 (2012): 160–61; Brian Kelly, “Emancipation and Reversals: Labor, Race, and the Boundaries of American Freedom in the Age of Capital,” International Labor and Working-Class History 75, no. 1 (2009): 170. Xavier Domènech i Sampere, “The Workers’ Movement and Political Change in Spain, 1956–1977,” International Labor and Working-Class History 83 (2013): 70, 82–3. Most of these scholars note “paradigm shifts” that have subsumed labour history as a cadet branch of such fields as political, economic, cultural, and social history. Important recent works that devote considerable focus on African labour within a larger historical context include Jeffrey S. Ahlman, Living with Nkrumahism: Nation, State, and Pan-Africanism in Ghana (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2017); and Frederick Cooper, Decolonization and African Society: The Labor Question in French and British Africa (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996).

  2. 2.

    On Nkrumah’s belief that African people were historically materialist communalists upon whom the Europeans had disastrously overlaid idealist capitalism, see Kwame Nkrumah, Consciencism: Philosophy and Ideology for De-Colonization (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1964), 73–4. African Socialism was a major topic of study since most post-colonial African leaders identified themselves as such. A good early review of the scholarship is George Bennett, “African Socialism,” International Review 20, no. 1 (1964/1965): 97–101. See also, Colin Legum, “Socialism in Ghana: A Political Interpretation,” in African Socialism, eds. William H. Friedland and Carl G. Rosberg, Jr. (Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution, 1964); Rosberg and Thomas M. Callaghy, eds., Socialism in Sub-Saharan Africa: A New Assessment (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979); David Ottaway and Marina Ottaway, Afrocommunism (New York: Africana Publishing, 1981). Although Nkrumah defined neo-colonialism in a speech to the Kwame Nkrumah Ideological Institute as “the granting of political independence minus economic independence” as transmitted through a bridgehead elite; in fact, for most of his time in government, Nkrumah was not an economic determinist and, in practice, he treated the problem of neo-colonialism more broadly, as the Africanisation of politics, economics, and culture. On Nkrumah’s definition of neo-colonialism, see Ahlman, Living with Nkrumahism, 157–58.

  3. 3.

    Richard Jeffries, Class, Power and Ideology in Ghana: The Railwaymen of Sekondi (London: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 1, 39, 47–54; Austin, Politics in Ghana, 86–91.

  4. 4.

    Jeffries, Class, Power and Ideology in Ghana, 48, 46, 54–55; Austin, Politics in Ghana, 86–91; Asuquo E. Cowan, The Evolution of Trade Unionism in Ghana (Accra: Trades Union Congress (Ghana), n.d. [c. 1959]), 44–5; Ama Biney, The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), 41–2. Jeffries especially shows the unions’ role in forcing Nkrumah’s hand.

  5. 5.

    Jeffries, Class, Power and Ideology in Ghana, 56–9.

  6. 6.

    Ibid.

  7. 7.

    Biney, The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah, 32–3, 4–5, 39–40; Matteo Grilli, Nkrumaism and African Nationalism: Ghana’s Pan-African Foreign Policy in the Age of Decolonization (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), 43–5; Austin, Politics in Ghana, 156, 164, 168.

  8. 8.

    Jeffries, Class, Power and Ideology in Ghana, 59–62, 58–9.

  9. 9.

    On Padmore, see Leslie James, George Padmore and Decolonization from Below: Pan-Africanism, the Cold War, and the End of Empire (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015); Padmore, Pan-Africanism or Communism? The Coming Struggle for Africa (London: Dennis Dobson, 1956).

  10. 10.

    On British Guiana, see Robert Anthony Waters, Jr., “‘A betrayal of the cause of colonial people the world over’: The British Caribbean against Cheddi Jagan,” Journal of Caribbean History 43, no. 1 (2009): 115–135; James, George Padmore and Decolonization from Below, 128–32.

  11. 11.

    Austin, Politics in Ghana, 170, 220, 224–225; Jeffries, Class, Power and Ideology in Ghana, 62–4; N.D. Watson, “Communism in the colonial territories and the trade unions,” in The Conservative Government and the End of Empire, 1951–1957, Part III, Economic and Social Policies, ed. David Goldsworthy (London: HMSO, 1994), doc. 503; Biney, The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah, 54–5.

  12. 12.

    Austin, Politics in Ghana, 170, 220, 224–25; Jeffries, Class, Power and Ideology in Ghana, 62–4; St. Clair Drake and Leslie Alexander Lacy, “Government Versus the Unions: The Sekondi-Takoradi Strike, 1961,” in Politics in Africa: 7 Cases, ed. Gwendolen M. Carter (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1966), 86; “Report by the Vice Consul at Accra (Fleming),” 30 October 1953, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952–1954, Africa and South Asia, vol. XI, Part 1, (Washington, DC: United States Printing Office, 1983), [henceforth, FRUS], doc. 119, found at https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1952-54v11p1/d119; The Public Affairs Officer at Accra (Sawyer) to the Department of State, “Recent Developments in USIS Labor Contract Program,” 23 March 1954, FRUS, doc. 120, found at https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1952-54v11p1/d120. Grilli, Nkrumaism and African Nationalism, 74, reports that Nkrumah’s anti-Communist positions dated back to 1951, but the evidence and Nkrumah’s behaviour suggest 1954 was the turning point. International Communists and fellow travellers were quite critical of Nkrumah’s actions. South Africa’s radical New Age newspaper wrote, “Instead of democratising his regime, Nkrumah has tried to maintain his position by indulging in the Red-baiting tactics he has learned from his imperialist masters.” They did not understand that Nkrumah used the colonialists’ methods as a means to get out from under their control. “Demand for Regional Autonomy in Gold Coast: Growing Opposition to Nkrumah’s Red-Baiting,” New Age [Johannesberg], (5 May 1955), 3, found at “New Age,” Historical Papers Research Archive, http://www.historicalpapers.wits.ac.za/inventories/inv_pdfo/AG2887/AG2887-A2-18-001-jpeg.pdf

  13. 13.

    Jeffries, Class, Power and Ideology in Ghana, 63, 79–84; The Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, New York, United States (SCRBC), Correspondence, H-N, Box 7, “Correspondence: McCray, George, 43/7”, Letter, McCray to Drake, 27 December 1957.

  14. 14.

    Austin, Politics in Ghana, 150–57.

  15. 15.

    Public Records and Archives Administration, Accra, Ghana (hereafter PRAAD), RG 17/2/690, Memorandum to the Life-Chairman [Nkrumah], and the Central Committee of the Convention People’s Party, “A Review of the Labour Situation,” 10 November 1961, J. Ahinful-Quansah, Jnr. [GCTUC Information/Publicity Officer], “GCTUC Press Release,” 24 September 1955; Jeffries, Class,Power, and Ideology in Ghana, 64–5, 81–2.

  16. 16.

    PRAAD, RG 17/2/690, Tettegah, Memorandum to the Prime Minister on Gold Coast Labour Situation, 1 November 1955, Memorandum to the Life-Chairman [Nkrumah] and the Central Committee of the Convention People’s Party, “A Review of the Labour Situation,” 10 November 1955, “Summary of Memorandum Submitted to the Central Committee of the C.P.P. on 10th November,” 1955, letter, Tettegah to Nkrumah, 13 January 1956, letter, SP [Nkrumah’s private secretary] to Tettegah, 7 November 1955; Jeffries, Class, Power, and Ideology in Ghana, 66.

  17. 17.

    PRAAD, RG 17/2/691, Committee on Workers Organisation, “Proposals for Re-Organisation of the Trade Unions and Workers Active Participation in National Re-Construction for a Socialist Ghana,” [Top Secret], n.d. [partial document, but written preparatory to the TUC’s national conference in October 1957]; Jeffries, Class, Power and Ideology in Ghana, 66.

  18. 18.

    PRAAD, RG 17/2/691, “Suggestions for Amendment to System of Industrial Organisation,” n.d. [c. 1957]. The classic work that discusses consolidated trade unions as a “countervailing power” to big business and business-dominated government is, John Kenneth Galbraith, American Capitalism: The Concept of Countervailing Power (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1952). For an example of another country which claimed to be consolidating unions to increase their power, but in reality was using consolidation for domination, see, Robert Anthony Waters, Jr. and Gordon Oliver Daniels,“The World’s Longest Strike: The AFL-CIO, the CIA, and British Guiana,” Diplomatic History 29, no. 2 (2005): 279–307.

  19. 19.

    Moorland-Spingarn Research Centre, Howard University, Washington, DC (MSRC), Nkrumah Papers, Box 154–38, f: 21, transcript, “Prime Minister’s Midnight Speech on the Eve of Independence,” 6 March, 1957; D. Zizwe Poe, Kwame Nkrumah’s Contribution to Pan-Africanism: An Afrocentric Analysis (New York: Routledge, 2003), 106–07. Nkrumah laid out his vision in Towards Colonial Freedom: Africa in the Struggle against World Imperialism (Bedford, England: Panaf Books, 1945); his fullest statement of that vision is found in Kwame Nkrumah, Africa Must Unite (London: Heinemann, 1963).

  20. 20.

    David Goldsworthy, Tom Mboya: The Man Kenya Wanted to Forget (Nairobi, Heineman, 1982), 160; PRAAD, RG 17/2/692, editors, The Research Division, African Affairs Secretariat, “Notes on Conference of Ghana Envoys in Africa Held at Accra 7–23 October 1961, Appendix E, Brief Sketch on A.A.T.U.F.,” October 1961, 53–57. Poe; Kwame Nkrumah’s Contribution to Pan-Africanism, 116.

  21. 21.

    Goldsworthy, Tom Mboya, 160; PRAAD, RG 17/2/686, “Joint Declaration on Behalf of the Ghana T.U.C. and the Kenya Federation of Labour,” 21 November 1960; Kwame Nkrumah, I Speak of Freedom: A Statement of African Ideology (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1961), 190, 189, 187.

  22. 22.

    Cooper, Decolonization and African Society, 438; Lester N. Trachtman, “The Labor Movement of Ghana: A Study in Political Unionism,” Economic Development and Cultural Change 10, no. 1 (1962), 192, 187.

  23. 23.

    PRAAD, RG 17/2/535, Appendix I, Trades Union Congress (Ghana), 14th Annual Conference, Town Hall, Cape Coast, 25–26 January 1958, transcript, “Speech by John K. Tettegah General Secretary of the TUC at the Prize Giving Ceremony at the Workers’ Educational Association at Arden Hall Ambassador Hotel,” 14 September 1957.

  24. 24.

    David E. Apter, Ghana in Transition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1972), 340–41; James, George Padmore and Decolonization from Below, 173–76; Poe, Kwame Nkrumah’s Contribution to Pan-Africanism, 53–4.

  25. 25.

    Anne-Catherine Wagner, “The Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) in West Africa: The Difficulties of Constructing Trade Union Internationalism,” in Trade Unions in West Africa: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives, ed., Craig Phelan (Oxford: Peter Lang, 2011), 153; Cooper, Decolonization and African Society, 435; Jeffries, Class, Power and Ideology in Ghana, 66–9.

  26. 26.

    Ahlman, Living with Nkrumahism, 127; Austin, Politics in Ghana, 174; Cooper, Decolonization and African Society, 435; Jeffries, Class, Power and Ideology in Ghana, 66–69; T. Peter Omari, Kwame Nkrumah: The Anatomy of an African Dictatorship (London: C. Hurst, 1970), 61.

  27. 27.

    Nkrumah, I Speak of Freedom, 188, 243; B.A. Bentum, Trade Unions in Chains (Accra: Trades Union Congress (Ghana), 1967), 10–1. Cooper, Decolonization and African Society, 434–35.

  28. 28.

    PRAAD, RG 17/2/743, letter, Tettegah to Nkrumah, “Memorandum to Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, Life Chairman, C.P.P., Accra,” 6 December 1956; PRAAD, RG 17/2/535, Trades Union Congress (Ghana), 14th Annual Conference, Town Hall, Cape Coast, 25–26 January 1958, “Statement on Trade Union Tasks in the Economic Reconstruction of Ghana,” January 1958.

  29. 29.

    Jeffries, Class, Power and Ideology in Ghana, 71–103; Ahlman, Living with Nkrumahism, 157; St. Clair Drake and Lacy, “Government Versus the Unions,” in Politics in Africa, chap. 3; Austin, Politics in Ghana, 400–04. The article by St. Clair Drake and Lacy provides a more sympathetic interpretation of the reasons behind Nkrumah’s budget and his trade union policy.

  30. 30.

    Kwame Nkrumah, “Africa’s Liberation and Unity: Address to the Nationalist Conference of African Freedom Fighters,” Freedomways 2, no. 4 (1962): 428–29.

  31. 31.

    Cooper, Decolonization and African Society, 442, 615; Bentum, Trade Unions in Chains, 49–52.

  32. 32.

    See, e.g., Ahlman, Living with Nkrumahism, 154–57; Grilli, Nkrumaism and African Nationalism, 30, 126–27, 201–17; Christopher Andrew and Vasili Mitrokhin, The World was Going Our Way: The KGB and the Battle for the Third World (New York: Basic Books, 2005), 435, 582.

  33. 33.

    Gary K. Busch, The Political Role of International Trade Unions (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1983), 95–6; Bentum, Trade Unions in Chains, 34–5; W. Scott Thompson, Ghana’s Foreign Policy, 1957–1966 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1969), 239–40; Austin, Politics in Ghana, 400–04; British National Archives, Kew, England (BNA), FCO 141/17929, J.R.W. Parker, “Report from Labour Adviser, Accra: All African Trade Union Federation, Casablanca Conference, May 1961,” 8 June 1961. The examples of intervention cited by Bentum and Thompson occurred during 1964–1966, the period in which Tettegah led the AATUF and had custody of the organisation’s files. Bentum discusses interventions in Nigeria, Tanzania, Morocco, Uganda, Somalia, and Kenya, as well as political battles against the Arab states for control of the AATUF.

  34. 34.

    Goldsworthy, Tom Mboya, 160–61, 208–10, 241; Agyeman, Failure of Grassroots Pan-Africanism, 165–66, 199–04, 180–85, 228–31.

  35. 35.

    PRAAD, RG 17/2/692, Editors, The Research Division, African Affairs Secretariat, “Notes on Conference of Ghana Envoys in Africa Held at Accra 7–23 October 1961, Appendix E, Brief Sketch on A.A.T.U.F.,” 58–9.

  36. 36.

    Busch, Political Role of International Trade Unions; Bentum, Trade Unions in Chains, 27–33, 42–4, 52–9. An incomplete and undated copy of the document that includes the Tettegah quotation can be found at the PRAAD, RG 17/2/403, John K. Tettegah, “Memo for the Presidential African Affairs Committee,” n.d.

  37. 37.

    Agyeman, Failure of Grassroots Pan-Africanism, 197–219, 334–39; BNA, RG DO 206/11, J.E.D. Slater, “A.A.T.U.F. and A.T.U.C.,” 2 December 1964; BNA, RG DO 206/11, P.C. Storey (political affairs department), “Communist Infiltration in the All African Trade Union Federation (AATUF), copies sent to all African posts,” 28 April 1965.

  38. 38.

    Thomas Hodgkin, Nationalism in Colonial Africa (New York: New York University Press, 1957), 93–114. Tony Killick, Development Economics in Action: A Study of Economic Policies in Ghana (London: Heinemann, 1976), 63n. See also, Robert Anthony Waters, Jr., “How Socialism Underdeveloped Africa,” Political Science Reviewer 34 (2004), 278–85.

  39. 39.

    See George B.N. Ayittey, Applied Economics for Africa (Arlington: Atlas Network, 2017); Ayittey, Indigenous African Institutions (Ardsley, NY: Transnational Publishers, 2006, 2nd ed.); Ayittey, Africa Betrayed (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 1993), chap. 3; Waters, “How Socialism Underdeveloped Africa.”

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Waters, R.A. (2020). Kwame Nkrumah and the All-African Trade Union Federation: Labour and the Emancipation of Africa. In: Grilli, M., Gerits, F. (eds) Visions of African Unity. African Histories and Modernities. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-52911-6_4

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