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A Russian Radical Conservative Challenge to the Liberal Global Order: Aleksandr Dugin

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Contestations of Liberal Order

Abstract

The chapter examines Russian political theorist Aleksandr Dugin’s (b. 1962) challenge to the Western liberal order. Even though Dugin’s project is in many ways a theoretical epitome of Russia’s contemporary attempt to profile itself as a regional great power with a political and cultural identity distinct from the liberal West, Dugin can also be read in a wider context as one of the currently most prominent representatives of the culturally and intellectually oriented international New Right. The chapter introduces Dugin’s role on the Russian right-wing political scene and his international networks, Russian neo-Eurasianism as his ideological footing, and his more recent “fourth political theory” as an attempt to formulate a new ideological alternative to liberalism as well as the two other main twentieth-century ideologies, communism and fascism. Dugin’s fourth ideology, essentially meant as an alternative to a unipolar post–Cold War global hegemony of victorious liberalism, draws inspiration from the German conservative revolutionary movement of the Weimar era. In particular, Martin Heidegger’s philosophy of history, with its thesis of the end of modernity and another beginning of Western thought, and Carl Schmitt’s pluralistic model of geopolitics are highlighted as key elements of Dugin’s eclectic political thought, which is most appropriately characterized as a form of radical conservatism.

I owe particular thanks to Dr. Timo Pankakoski, with whom I recently coauthored another article on radical conservative thought, learning a great deal from him in the process. I also thank Professor Mika Ojakangas for the opportunity to participate in his Academy of Finland research project The Intellectual Heritage of Radical Cultural Conservatism (2013–2017). Financial support for writing this article came from my Academy of Finland Research Fellow’s project Creativity, Genius, Innovation: Towards a Conceptual Genealogy of Western Creativity (2018–2023).

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Clunan (2018), Romanova (2018).

  2. 2.

    The biographical information presented here is based first and foremost on Sedgwick (2004), 221–40, Laruelle (2006 and (2015b), and Umland (2007), 97–141 and (2010).

  3. 3.

    Umland (2007), 138.

  4. 4.

    How Dugin completed his basic higher education degree is a matter of some dispute; see Umland (2007), 133–41.

  5. 5.

    Dugin (2004).

  6. 6.

    Rossman (2015), 65–66.

  7. 7.

    In a May 6, 2014 interview for the pro-Kremlin Abkhazian Network News Agency (ANNA News), Dugin voiced his shock at the death of several pro-Russian activists in a fire at the Trade Unions House of Odessa on May 2, 2014, declaring that “what we have seen on May 2 is already beyond all limits. And I think: kill, kill, and kill. There should be no more discussion. This is my opinion as a professor.” A video extract from the interview is available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4-3khItD8s0. This comment led to an anti-Dugin petition in June 2014 by Moscow students: a translation of the text of the petition is available at https://euromaidanpr.wordpress.com/2014/06/15/moscow-students-demand-to-fire-dugin-from-the-moscow-state-university-for-sparking-hatred-towards-ukrainians/. This, in turn, apparently resulted in the somewhat ambiguously framed termination of Dugin’s contract; see Fitzpatrick (2014).

  8. 8.

    Dugin (2014c).

  9. 9.

    Neef (2014).

  10. 10.

    Putin (2011).

  11. 11.

    MacCormac (2015).

  12. 12.

    Ratner (2016).

  13. 13.

    Laruelle (2015a), 15.

  14. 14.

    Neef (2014).

  15. 15.

    Laruelle (2015a).

  16. 16.

    von Beyme (2017), 152.

  17. 17.

    Bar-On (2010) presents the Nouvelle Droite as a synthesis of the ideas of the New Left and the conservative revolution.

  18. 18.

    Shekhovtsov (2015b), Camus (2015), Savino (2015).

  19. 19.

    İmanbeyli (2015).

  20. 20.

    Meyer and Ant (2017).

  21. 21.

    Laruelle (2015a), Shekhovtsov (2015a), Tipaldou (2015).

  22. 22.

    Shekhovtsov (2018), 113–17, 255n17.

  23. 23.

    Schaeffer (2017).

  24. 24.

    Nemtsova (2017).

  25. 25.

    Bertrand (2016), Shekhovtsov (2018), 254.

  26. 26.

    Griffin (2017), 20–21.

  27. 27.

    Laruelle (2008), 16–49.

  28. 28.

    Laruelle (2008), 50–82.

  29. 29.

    Kullberg (2001). For Dugin’s own theory of “ethnosociology” and the ethnos (Russian narod) as well as his comments on Gumilyov’s theory of ethnogenesis and passionarity, see for example Dugin (2018).

  30. 30.

    Laruelle (2008), 83–106.

  31. 31.

    Mackinder (1904, 1919).

  32. 32.

    Mackinder (1919), 194.

  33. 33.

    See for example Dugin (2015).

  34. 34.

    Bauman (2000).

  35. 35.

    Fukuyama (1989).

  36. 36.

    Dugin (2012), 139–55.

  37. 37.

    Dugin (2012), 43–54; (2014a), 101–14.

  38. 38.

    Dugin (2012), 83–94; (2014c), 145–53.

  39. 39.

    Dugin (2012), 12, 23.

  40. 40.

    Evola (2003).

  41. 41.

    Dugin (2014c), 286.

  42. 42.

    Dugin (2012), 83–94; (2014c), 145–53.

  43. 43.

    Dugin (2012), 94–98; (2014c), 153–59.

  44. 44.

    See Mohler (1989), 78–129.

  45. 45.

    Moeller van den Bruck (1931), 189, 206; (1934), 203, 219–20. Translation modified.

  46. 46.

    Dahl (1999), 2–3.

  47. 47.

    Dugin (2014c), 157.

  48. 48.

    Dugin’s other books on Heidegger—Martin Heidegger: vozmozhnost’ russkoy filosofii (Martin Heidegger: the possibility of a Russian philosophy, 2011), Martin Heidegger: posledniy bog (Martin Heidegger: the last god, 2014), and Martin Heidegger: metapolitika, eskhatologiya bytiya (Martin Heidegger: metapolitics, the eschatology of being, 2016)—remain untranslated. On Dugin and Heidegger, see also Love and Meng (2016).

  49. 49.

    Dugin (2014b), 23–26, 171–73.

  50. 50.

    Dugin (2014b), 172.

  51. 51.

    Dugin (2014b), 277–78.

  52. 52.

    For a more detailed account of this narrative, see Backman (2015), 19–68.

  53. 53.

    See for example Heidegger (1991a), 3–6; (1991b), 3–9, 150–251; (1991c), 147–96; (1992), 198–208; (1998c), 1–4, 415–23, 425–32, 585–94; (1998d), 1–22, 177–229, 231–361; (2000c), 61–65; (2002), 55–59.

  54. 54.

    Heidegger (1989), 171, 185; (1991b), 182; (1998d), 21; (2012b), 135, 145–46.

  55. 55.

    Dugin (2014a), 114.

  56. 56.

    Dugin (2012), 32–54. In his “thought diaries,” the so-called Black Notebooks (Schwarze Hefte), Heidegger views contemporary phenomena such as Nazism, fascism, communism, and liberalism as different symptoms of one and the same historical juncture, the completion of modernity; Heidegger (2014a), 408, 412–13; (2014b), 109, 262; (2015a), 130; (2017a), 318, 321–22; (2017b), 85–86, 208. They are first and foremost late modern modes of manipulating and mobilizing the resources of a fully homogenized and biologized humanity; Heidegger (1998b), 179–214, 223–24; (2015b), 151–80, 188. In the 2015 interview, Dugin notes: “National Socialism is one of three political ideologies rooted in Modernity. Its totalitarianism is absolutely modern (Hannah Arendt has shown that). Heidegger was the most radical critic of Modernity as the oblivion of Being. He denounces the modern aspects of National Socialism, including racism. That is quite logical. And I share these criticisms.” Dugin (2017), 211.

  57. 57.

    Heidegger (1993), 50–52; (2000a), 188–89.

  58. 58.

    Heidegger (1998a), 28–29; (2000b), 40–41.

  59. 59.

    Schmitt (1995), 269–371; (2011), 75–124.

  60. 60.

    Schmitt (2007, 2015).

  61. 61.

    Schmitt (1995), 306; (2011), 111.

  62. 62.

    The New Order of Europe was initially announced by Hitler in his speech at the Berlin Sports Palace on January 30, 1941.

  63. 63.

    Heidegger (2009), 95; (2013), 80.

  64. 64.

    Heidegger (1994), 51; (2012a), 48.

  65. 65.

    Schmitt (1974), 271; (2006), 296.

  66. 66.

    Dugin (2012), 101–20; (2017), 72–87.

  67. 67.

    Huntington (1996).

  68. 68.

    Dugin (2012), 116, 120.

  69. 69.

    Interestingly from Dugin’s point of view, the Eurasian idea itself finds certain resonance in Heidegger. In remarks inspired by the Nazi attack on the Soviet Union in 1941, Heidegger notes that Russia and Japan belong to Eurasia—they are in between the European and Asian spaces; Heidegger (2009), 95; (2013), 80. Hitler’s planetary war campaign, which amounts to a “limitless exploitation of raw materials,” risks depriving both Germanness and Russianness—the metaphysical West and its transmetaphysical Eurasian other—of their historical particularity and of an opportunity for a mutually fruitful encounter and exchange; Heidegger (1998b), 119–20; (2015b), 100–101. Remarks such as this give Dugin all the more reason to regard Heidegger as “the greatest stimulus for our rethinking the West and ourselves [the Russians] faced vis-à-vis the West.” Dugin (2014b), 186.

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    Jussi Backman

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    Jukka Jouhki

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Backman, J. (2020). A Russian Radical Conservative Challenge to the Liberal Global Order: Aleksandr Dugin. In: Lehti, M., Pennanen, HR., Jouhki, J. (eds) Contestations of Liberal Order. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22059-4_11

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